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Meditation for living sustainably 1

Thursday, October 14th, 2010

1 Meditation in the environment

 Meditation is a way of learning to pay attention to your surroundings.  It is a process which is not confined to religious practices, but is a fundamental aspect of human behaviour to deal with the things that concern all of us in our everyday lives.  Nowadays, these issues are the problems of living in modern society where every interaction, good and bad, between cultures and between cultures and environment, is instantly transmitted around the world.  In this sense we all lead global lives.   Also, deadlines in our working lives have to be met that seem irrelevant to inner values.  In this connection, mindfulness meditation is a well-trodden path by which an individual can attain security and happiness, and become free from inner burdens of fear, anger, hurt, and sorrow. The environmental aims of mindfulness meditation are to become more aware of local interactions between culture and ecology;  to seek and appreciate the complexity that underlies nature and humankind’s uses of it, but to live with the simplicity of an idea, common to many religions and proved by science, that we are at one with all forms of life..  Each contact with the environment, directly through sights and sounds, or indirectly through words and pictures, is regarded as a spiritual exercise to provide a momentary stay against the stress and confusion of everyday life.  In this way, the process of mindfulness mediation is to keep thoughts circling back to reinforce this idea of cosmic unity.  The outcome of these moments of self-help is total certainty and a complete absence of confusions: a mind that remains unstained, invulnerable and completely unaffected by the ups and downs of life.   In other words, despite being immersed in uncertainties, mysteries and doubts, we have no desire to reach after facts and reason to explain them. The poet Keats described this meditative detached state of mind as ‘negative capability’. 

Time spent voluntarily in nature can always be a form of mindfulness meditation.  It takes place when we put our full attention on what is around us – the earth, trees, buildings, flowers, animals, people, fresh air, and water in all its forms.  This meditation can be done while sitting, standing or walking. To intensify the experience, the aim is to allow yourself to pay attention to the sights, sounds and smells without labelling them and becoming mentally involved with them. There will always be a tendency of the mind to name and evaluate everything – “Oh, look at that beautiful bird. What kind is it?  Is it here all winter, or where does it go?”  What we seem to need is the frame of reference, the context, the story that accompanies what we are seeing. When these kinds of thoughts come up, let them go. Simply experience the colours, shape, sounds, movement of the bird or whatever else you are experiencing. Let it be a meeting up with reality without meaning and without reference to any other phenomenon. Meditation is to be aware of every thought and of every feeling minute by minute, never to say it is right or wrong but just to watch it and move with your thoughts and feelings. 

For example, on a sunny day you walk into your well-tended garden.  Happily you notice the beauties and scents, the insects and birds, the growing and dying of plants.  Then you also notice that you should have tidied up the grass and weeded the paths.  Next you find yourself becoming occupied with listing the things you have to do in the garden and start planning a future programme of work.  Now, mindfulness meditation should click in: let the list go and return to your original state of happiness whien being in the garden made you understand that people and nature are, in some way, mysteriously one.  That is to say, there is harmony and a rapport between them, which fuses them together yet does not deprive each of its true individuality and you come to see all things in yourself, and yourself in all things. 

The Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore, meditating on an image of the environment in his childhood had come to the same understanding.  

“ I still remember the day in my childhood (he writes), when I was made to struggle across my lessons in a first primer, strewn with isolated words smothered under the burden of spelling.  The morning hour appeared to me like a once-illuminated page, grown dusty and faded, discoloured with irrelevant marks, smudges and gaps, wearisome in its moth-eaten meaninglessness.  Suddenly I came to a rhymed sentence of combined words, which may be translated thus- It rains, the leaves tremble’,  At once I came to a world wherein I recovered my full meaning.  My mind touched the creative realm of expression, and at that moment I was no longer a mere student with his mind muffled by spelling lessons, enclosed in a classroom.  The rhythmic picture of the tremulous leaves beaten by the rain opened before my mind the world which does not merely carry information but a harmony with my being.  The unmeaning fragments lost their individual isolation and my mind revelled in the unity of a vision.  In a similar manner, on that morning in the village the facts of my life suddenly appeared to me in a luminous units of truth.  All things that had seemed like vagrant waves were revealed to my mind in relation to a boundless sea.  I felt sure that some Being who comprehended me and my world was seeking his best expression in all my experiences uniting them into an ever-widening individuality which is a spiritual work of art.” 

Four centuries before this, another child, Thomas Treherne, the son of a shoemaker at Hereford in western England, underwent a similar meditative experience that was to change his life for ever. 

“Another time in a lowering and sad evening, being alone in the field, when all things were dead and quiet, a certain want and horror fell upon me, beyond imagination. The unprofitableness and silence of the place dissatisfied me; its wideness terrified me; from the utmost ends of the earth fears surrounded me. How did I know but dangers might suddenly arise from the East, and invade me from the unknown regions beyond the seas? I was a weak and little child, and had forgotten there was a man alive in the earth. Yet something also of hope and expectation comforted me from every border. This taught me that I was concerned in all the world: and that in the remotest borders the causes of peace delight me, and the beauties of the earth when seen were made to entertain me: that I was made to hold a communion with the secrets of Divine Providence in all the world: that a remembrance of all the joys I had from my birth ought always to be with me: that the presence of Cities, Temples, and Kingdoms ought to sustain me, and that to be alone in the world was to be desolate and miserable.” 

Thenceforth, Treherne knew that he must pursue his quest for ever greater enlightenment through the means available to him. He eventually became rector of the village of Credenhill, near Hereford, and subsequently private chaplain to Sir Orlando Bridgeman, Lord Keeper of the Seals of England. His daily adult life became the arena wherein he sought to gain a constant increment of soul-experience, applying his vision of the unity of all beings to a selfless practice of unfailing kindness and understanding in the practical pursuits of his career.   That he did gain insights is clear from the enthusiasm he infused into his writings. 

Going even further back again in time, the pagan Roman philosopher-king Marcus Aurelius had reached a similar equilibrium with the social pressures of his world in the first century BC when he meditated; 

“Whether it’s atoms or nature, the first thing to be said is this: I am part of a world controlled by nature.  Secondly: that I have a relationship with other, similar parts.  And with that in mind I have no right, as a part, to complain about what is assigned me by the whole. Because what benefits the whole can’t harm the parts, and the whole does nothing that doesn’t benefit it.  That’s a trait shared by all natures, but the nature of the world is defined by a second characteristic as well: no outside force can compel it to cause itself harm”. 

Marcus Aurelius also reminds us that we need to meditate on the environment not only to answer the question; How can we protect ourselves against the stresses and pressures of daily life? but also because science alone cannot provide answers to the related questions, Why are we here? How should we live our lives? How can we be sure that what we do is right? How should we deal with pain and misfortune? Meditation on these important questions requires a state of watchful awareness, which looks at everything with complete attention, totally, not just parts of it in great detail. No one can teach you this life skill and the danger of adopting any system that purports to teach you how to be attentive is that you become attentive to the system and that is not the attention needed for meditation. In a broader sense, what you learn by watching nature can be applied to learn about yourself.  Watch the way you walk, how you eat, what you say, the gossip, the hate, the jealousy -if you are aware of all that in yourself, without any choice, that is mindful meditation.

From the point of view of education,  the effects of mindfulness training can enhance well-being in a number of ways. If you practice being in the present, you can increase positive feelings by savouring pleasurable on-going experiences. Additionally, calming the mind and observing experiences with a latent curiosity and acceptance not only reduces stress but helps with attention control and emotion regulation- skills which are valuable both inside and outside the classroom. Finally, these skills for meditating on the environment are essential to produce behaviour changes necessary for most people to live sustainably.   In this context, mindfulness is not superficial awareness.  It sees things deep down below the level of opinions and generalisations.  The practical objective of mindfulness meditation is to apply wisdom and understanding to establish new values of caring for ecosystems and applying fairness to cross-cultural economic links, so restoring human connectedness and dependence on the natural order of planet Earth.  This gentling of human interactions with nature is done by forging direct links between intellectual knowledge and moment-to-moment personal and social actions.   

Heightened environmental awareness in this way contributes directly to activities that cause the flourishing of human persons, their communities, and the ecosystems of which they are part.  The path to behaviour change proceeds in stages. Each stage starts with the intention to be open, flexible and kind.  Then there is the intention to move forward tentatively and inquisitively to meet a practical objective. At the end of the activity, whether or not there is a feeling of success or failure in the intention, the act is sealed by thinking of others who are succeeding and failing in similar activities all over the world. Finally, there is a wish that anything learned in the experiment could also benefit them. These stages are close to the ‘noble principles’ of Buddhism, namely to further a completely open heart (attitude) to live a compassionate life in which we love and care about all things.

2 Cultivating ‘interbeing’ 

To live in mindful meditation is the most important precept of all in Buddhism; to know what is going on, to be aware of what we do and what we are, during each minute.  When we are totally mindful, we realize that all phenomena are interdependent and endlessly interwoven. This is the foundation of what the Buddhist teacher Thich Nhat Hanh calls the principle of “interbeing. He uses the following metaphor of ‘The cup in your hands’ to explain it. 

“In the United States, I have a close friend named Jim Forest.  When I first met him eight years ago, he was working with the Catholic Peace Fellowship.  Last winter, Jim came to visit.  I usually wash the dishes after we’ve finished the evening meal, before sitting down and drinking tea with everyone else.  One night, Jim asked if he might do the dishes.  I said, “Go ahead, but if you wash the dishes you must know the way to wash them.” Jim replied, “Come on, you think I don’t know how to wash the dishes?” I answered, “There are two ways to wash the dishes.  The first is to wash the dishes in order to have clean dishes and the second is to wash the dishes to wash the dishes.”  Jim was delighted and said, “I choose the second way… to wash the dishes to wash the dishes”  From then on, Jim knew how to wash the dishes.  I transferred the “responsibility” to him for an entire week. If while washing dishes, we think only of the cup of tea that awaits us, thus hurrying to get the dishes out of the way as if they were a nuisance, then we are not “washing the dishes to wash the dishes.”  What’s more, we are not alive during the time we are washing the dishes.  In fact, we are completely incapable of realizing the miracle of life while standing at the sink.  If we can’t wash the dishes, the chances are we won’t be able to drink our tea either because while drinking the cup of tea, we will only be thinking of other things, barely aware of the cup in our hands.  Thus we are sucked away into the future and we are incapable of actually living one minute of life.”  

The cup is also a metaphor encapsulating the life-giving property of water.  He continues:  

Drink your tea slowly and reverently, as if it is the axis on which the world earth revolves – slowly, evenly, without rushing toward the future.” 

 From this way of holistic thinking came his suggestion that God did not create man in his own image but we have created ‘god’ in the image of humankind in order to give a name to the universal need for a oneness of all being. The starting point for this conjecture is that the world exists independent of our knowledge of it and that human knowledge is not reality but a limited representation of it. Interbeing is the approach, not only to nonviolence but to all of life, and leads to the most important practice in Buddhist meditation of letting go or “washing away.” Wrong perceptions, ideas and notions are at the root of our suffering.  They are the ground of all afflictions. In order for us to touch happiness in the here and now, we need to throw away the ideas and notions that prevent us from learning and growing. In particular, we should jettison our attachment to biased views, extreme behaviour, and rules and rituals that have created fear and hatred in our hearts. 

This sentiment of ‘living now’ is clearly expressed in the thoughts of the naturalist philosopher Henry David Thoreau as he made journeys through his New England neighbourhood . 

“Above all, we cannot afford not to live in the present. He is blessed over all mortals who loses no moment of the passing life in remembering the past. Unless our philosophy hears the cock crow in every barn-yard within our horizon, it is belated. That sound commonly reminds us that we are growing rusty and antique in our employments and habits of thought. The bird’s philosophy comes down to a more recent time than ours. There is something suggested by it not in Plato nor the New Testament. It is a newer testament — the Gospel according to this moment. He has not fallen astern; he has got up early, and kept up early, and to be where he is, is to be in season, in the foremost rank of time. It is an expression of the health and soundness of Nature, a brag for all the world — healthiness as of a spring burst forth — a new fountain of the Muses, to celebrate this last instant of time. Where he lives no fugitive slave laws are passed. Who has not betrayed his master many times since last he heard that note?” 

Thoreau’s ideas of interbeing, which he called ‘the gospel of the moment’, also came from walking the countryside around his hometown.. 

“But the walking of which I speak has nothing in it akin to taking exercise, as it is called, as the sick take medicine at stated hours — as the swinging of dumb-bells or chairs; but is itself the enterprise and adventure of the day. If you would get exercise go in search of the springs of life. My vicinity affords many good walks, and though I have walked almost every day for so many years, and sometimes for several days together, I have not yet exhausted them. An absoutely new prospect is a great happiness, and I can still get this any afternoon. Two or three hours’ walking will carry me to as strange a country as I expect ever to see. A single farm-house which I had not seen before is sometimes as good as the dominions of the king of Dahomey.  There is in fact a sort of harmony discoverable between the capabilities of the landscape within a circle of ten miles’ radius, or the limits of an afternoon walk, and the three-score-years and ten of human life. It will never become quite familiar to you”. 

Rebecca Solnit’s Wanderlust: A History of Walking, links walking, thinking and place in a powerful way. 

“When you give yourself to places, they give you yourself back; the more one comes to know them, the more one seeds them with the invisible crop of memories and associations that will be waiting for you when you come back, while new places offer up new thoughts, new possibilities. Exploring the world is one of the best ways of exploring the mind, and walking travels both terrains”

3 Awareness 

Jiddu Krishnamurti, whose writings on education reflect a confluence of Eastern and Western thinking, answered the question about the meaning of awareness of environment as follows: 

“If you look into your minds, you will see it’s like thousands of butterflies whirling about! You can hardly trace a single idea in this complexity. A way to bring clarity to the mind is to write down your immediate thoughts and feelings in response to the events of the day, and then ponder them. If you emphasize one particular problem in this descriptive writing, it will gradually lead to all others. Awareness implies sensitivity: to be sensitive to nature, to the hills, rivers and the trees around one; to be aware of that poor man walking down the road; to be sensitive to his feelings, his reactions, to his appalling and degrading poverty; to be sensitive to the man who is sitting next to you, or to the nervousness of your friend or sister. Although this sensitivity to things shapes and sounds around you, there is no choice about which things to concentrate on.  Also, there is no judgemental evaluation. For example, you can be sensitive to a cloud about which you can do nothing. Learn to observe sensitively with the senses and to grasp what you see and hear rather than cultivate it”. 

Seeing is a very complex affair. Most people see casually and swiftly pass by.  To meditate with your eyes you must see the details of a leaf, its form and structure, its colours, the variety of greens; to observe a cloud with all the light of the world in it, to follow a stream chattering down the hill; to look at your friend with the sensitivity in which there is no resistance.  This is to see yourself as part of the whole; to see the immensity of the universe; this is meditation through the eyes: to see yourself as you are without the shades of denial or easy acceptance. To meditate through your ears is to be sensitive to the tones, the voice, to the implication of words, to hear without interference, to capture instantly the depth of a sound. Sound plays an extraordinary part in our lives: the sound of thunder, a flute playing in the distance, the unheard sound of the universe; the sound of silence, the sound of one’s own heart beating; the sound of a bird and the noise of a man walking on the pavement; the crashing waterfall. The universe is filled with sound. To be attentive is to hear this unity and move with your thoughts. To meditate is simply to become aware of what enters your thoughts as sights and sounds in their unquestioned detail.  The aim is to begin to distinguish the content of your thoughts from your ability to ‘witness’ your thoughts. 

The process takes place in three parts.  First, registering the features of the environment that at first glance strike you as being significance.   Then single out one or more features.  Reflection to trace any idea is the third phase and may take place at any time thereafter.  This latter follow up with memories is important for drawing conclusions. In summary, to meditate in the outdoors, experience everything with an open awareness, as if you’d never experienced anything like it before. Always, when the mind wanders and becomes caught up in thought about the details of what is heard or seen, simply bring it back to the experience of scanning nature with your ears and eyes.  Meditation can take place when you are sitting in a bus or walking in the woods full of light and shadows, or listening to the singing of birds or looking at the face of your friend or child.  Mindfulness meditation is one of the greatest arts in life -perhaps the greatest, and one cannot possibly learn it from anybody, that is the beauty of it. It has no technique and therefore no authority. 

4 Concentration destroys meditation 

The opposite of meditation is concentration.  Concentration is the process of resistance to being in a meditative state. Every educator knows what it means to concentrate. The educator is concerned with filling the brain with knowledge of various subjects so that the student will pass examinations and get a job. The student also has this in his mind. The educator and the student are encouraging each other in the form of resistance which is concentration on parts of the world that thereby becomes fragmented. So the teacher/student relationship builds the capacity to resist taking a holistic view, to exclude the broad horizon and gradually one becomes isolated in trying to cope with partial detail. According to Krishnamurti the concentration on partial detail is where meditation as taught in the West has gone wrong.  In both the East and the West, there are different schools of meditation, different methods and systems. There are systems which say “Watch the movement of your big toe, watch it, watch it, watch it”; there are other systems which advocate sitting in a certain posture, breathing regularly or practising awareness. All this is utterly mechanical.

Another method gives you a certain word and tells you that if you go on repeating it you will have some extraordinary transcendental experience. This is sheer nonsense to Krishnamurti. It is a form of self-hypnosis. 

“By repeating Amen or Om or Coca-Cola indefinitely you will obviously have a certain experience because by repetition the mind becomes quiet. It is a well known phenomenon which has been practised for thousands of years in India -Mantra Yoga it is called. By repetition you can induce the mind to be gentle and soft but it is still a petty, shoddy, little mind. You might as well put a piece of stick you have picked up in the garden on the mantelpiece and give it a flower every day. In a month you will be worshipping it and not to put a flower in front of it will become a sin. Meditation is not following any system; it is not constant repetition and imitation”. 

Concentration produces fixed notions about ideas and things and results in self importance that hurts us because it confines us to the narrow limitations of conditioned likes and dislikes.  The Buddhist nun Pema Chodron says we have two alternatives: either we question our beliefs or we don’t.  Either we accept our fixed versions of reality or we begin to challenge them.  To practice staying open and curious and to practice dissolving our assumptions and beliefs is the best use of our human lives. Mindful-meditation demands an astonishingly alert and flexible mind to understand the totality of life in which every form of fragmentation has ceased. As soon as there is a fragmentation because of concentration, there is a conflict between incoming thoughts.  The objective is not control of thought to prevent fragmentation but to detached oneself from trying to explain the detail.  In this sense, “detachment” is not indifference or separation, but a process to view all the beauty and crassness in both the inner and outer world with a gently focused observation. 

5 Seeking experience is living in the past 

We all want experiences of some kind -the mystical experience, the religious experience, the sexual experience, the experience of having a great deal of money, power, position, domination. Above all, everything must be aimed at the experience of ‘having fun’.  As we grow older we may have finished with the demands of our physical appetites but then we demand wider, deeper and more significant experiences by taking various kinds of drugs for example. This is an old trick which has existed from time immemorial: chewing a piece of leaf or experimenting with the latest chemical to bring about a temporary alteration in the working of the brain cells, a greater sensitivity and heightened perception which give a semblance of reality. This demand for more and more experiences shows the inward poverty of man. We think that through experiences we can escape from ourselves but these experiences are conditioned by what we are. If the mind is petty, jealous, anxious, it may take the very latest form of drug but it will still see only its own little creation, its own little projections from its own conditioned background. Most of us demand completely satisfying, lasting experiences, which cannot be destroyed by thought. So behind this demand for experience is the desire for satisfaction.   To have some great satisfaction is a great pleasure; the more lasting, deep and wide the experience the more pleasurable it is, so pleasure dictates the form of experience we demand, and pleasure is the measure by which we evaluate the experience. Anything measurable is within the limits of thought and is apt to create illusion. You can have marvellous experiences and yet be completely deluded. You will inevitably see visions according to your conditioning; you will see Christ or Buddha or whoever you happen to believe in, and the greater a believer you are the stronger will be your visions, which are the projections of your own demands and urges. Experience is a bundle of memories responding to a challenge and it can respond only according to its background.  So you have to question not only the experience of another but your own experience. Every experience has already been experienced or you wouldn’t recognise it. You recognise an experience as being good, bad, beautiful, holy and so on according to your conditioning, and therefore the recognition of an experience must inevitably be a past experience of yourself or someone else.  So there is a fundamental truth, which is that a mind that is demanding, seeking, craving, for wider and deeper experience is a very shallow and dull mind because it lives always with its memories and their demands. Demand is born out of duality: “I am unhappy and I must be happy”. In that very demand that I must be happy is unhappiness. When one makes an effort to be good, in that very goodness is its opposite, evil. Everything affirmed contains its own opposite, and effort to overcome strengthens that against which it strives. When you demand an experience of truth or reality, that very demand is born out of your discontent with what is, and therefore the demand creates the opposite. And in the opposite there is what has been. Is it possible then to live in this world without this everlasting comparison? Surely it is? But one bas to find out for oneself and meditation is a useful practical technique. 

6 Pictures and meditation 

When meditating on a scene, we pay attention first because we have become aware of the cultural background of a view, which is followed by an expanded awareness of the attributes of the scene that catch the eye, jog the memory, and arouse emotional feelings.  Burgin, elaborates on this to link taking pictures with a camera to catching a scene with the eyes:

“The intelligibility of the photograph is no simple thing; photographs are texts inscribed in terms of what we may call ‘photographic discourse,’ but this discourse, like any other, engages discourses beyond itself, the ‘photographic text,’ like any other, is the site of a complex intertextuality, an overlapping series of previous texts ‘taken for granted’ at a particular cultural and historical conjuncture.” 

To take photographs, wrote Henri Cartier-Bresson, 

“is to hold one’s breath when all faculties converge in the face of fleeing reality. …  It is putting one’s head, one’s eyes and one’s heart on the same axis. …  It is a way of shouting, of freeing oneself, not of proving or asserting one’s originality.  It is a way of life.”

 

Barthes in Camera lucida (1984) distinguishes between the two phases of meditating on photographs by distinguishing what he calls studium and punctum.

 Studium, stands for the general, cultured interest one has in photographs. 

“It is by studium that I am interested in so many photographs, whether I receive them as political testimony or enjoy them as good historical scenes: for it is culturally — this connotation is present in studium — that I participate in the figures, the faces, the gestures, the settings, the actions.” 

Then the other element, the punctum, comes into play — the personal relation, the emotional/spiritual side. It occurs as a meditation when one is deeply touched by a picture. 

“… it is this element which rises from the scene, shoots out of it like an arrow, and pierces me. A Latin word exists to designate this wound, this prick, this mark made by a pointed instrument: the word suits me all the better in that it also refers to the notion of punctuation, and because the photographs I am speaking of are in effect punctuated, sometimes even speckled with these sensitive points; precisely, these marks, these wounds are so many points … A photograph’s punctum is that accident which pricks me — but also bruises me, is poignant to me.” 

These words define photography as an ongoing meditative relationship to the world.  This was clear to Cartier-Bresson, who believed that photography was not merely a profession but a liberating engagement with life itself, the camera not just a machine for recording images but “an instrument of intuition and spontaneity

This is clearly the motivation that drives Daniel Peebles to photograph quiescent volcanoes; 

“ My landscapes are created through the meditation of being present, having no preconceived ideas about the work at hand. No waiting for the light to be right, because it always is. No waiting for the perfect cloud formation, because they all are. Ground I have tread upon scores of times previously is always new. These pictures are about my inner landscape as much as they are about the exterior, there are no beginnings or endings, only meditations upon the real world”. 

Generally speaking the intuitive meditative wellbeing that comes from viewing the environment and making pictures of it falls under the following six headings. 

        Wellbeing in the recognition of things represented. This, a large element with children and unsophisticated persons generally, is comparatively unimportant with cultivated adults. 

        Wellbeing aroused, as a result of previous associations, by the things represented; in short, “subject interest.” This takes innumerable forms. It is enough to mention interest in human or superhuman persons and events and agreeable past associations with landscape. 

        Wellbeing as sources of information regarding the notional outer and inner life of individuals and peoples, whether near or remote. 

        Wellbeing in the appreciation a the artist’s skill. 

        Wellbeing in the recognition of artistic kinship, eg.. of resemblance to other landscapes or the other work of a school or individual.  

        Wellbeing in the contemplation of beautiful or otherwise captivating form and colour. These meditative routes to wellbeing by making or viewing pictures are not experienced by all persons or by any one person at a single instant. Different persons differ widely in their susceptibility to these different types of emotion. But it all the pleasures enumerated are respectable and all worthy of cultivation to make and view pictures

Education for living sustainably

Tuesday, September 14th, 2010

There is a concern over the place and role of children and youth in society, and disadvantaged youth in particular!

There is rising anxiety over environmental issues nationally and globally!

Young people themselves are voicing concerns over the quality of their lives and their ability to find things to do!  

All this is happening at a time when risk characterises how we perceive much of what we do especially in public space.  Within this context, commentators are advocating enhanced opportunities for an outdoor learning that is more critical, culturally-situated, and locally contextualised.  In other words, it has to connect with people’s own lifestyles, but also potentially alter these lifestyles in favour of more sustainable ones.  Re-focusing outdoor learning on relevant environmental knowledge, understanding, skills and competences, which young people require to be effective citizens, now and in the future, will be a complex task.  It will involve a reconsideration of the relationship between different forms of mediation of outdoor experience in a range of locations with diverse purposes and foci.  In the policy field, there are already moves to adapt and enhance curricula to address specific environmental concerns and to make the world more sustainable.  The conclusion is that an enhanced focus for outdoor learning about environmental issues and sustainability could be more resonant with young people’s values, their identities, and their daily lives. Schools will play a role in this shift in emphasis in environmental for living sustainably, but so too will families, out-of-school provisions, outdoor educators and out of school volunteers. 

The school context

 It is against this background that, in 2007, a commissioned report for Scottish Natural Heritage was published dealing with young people’s interaction with the environment through formal outdoor learning.  This investigation used innovative research methods in a sustained survey of schools and pre-schools using image-based approaches to elicit the views of a wide age-range of young people. It provides a critical baseline measure of practice in terms of provision and experience from young people’s practical perspectives on sustainability.   At a time when environmental problems are giving rise to concern, time spent in nature is sometimes seen as a panacea. Some even see a linear connection between time spent in contact with the natural world and the likelihood of people taking action for the environment. But others do not believe that simply being in nature will lead people to care for it and take action with respect to environmental problems.  It has been shown that experience of wild environments does instill an interest in outdoor activities of all kinds but will not necessarily lead to taking action for the environment or changing one’s lifestyle. In particular, the idea that there is a linear relationship between time spent in contact with nature and behaviour change has been seriously challenged.   Emphasis in adventure type activities, although it does involve learning ‘in’ the environment does not often include learning ‘about’ or ‘for’ the environment. Teachers do not see activities in wildlife areas providing a socially orientated environmental education experience. The focus is almost entirely on the acquisition of practical skills, personal development and working with others. The curriculum framework is ‘ecology’ rather than ‘conservation’.  Generally, outdoor educators name the following as their top three outcomes:  

  • group cooperation;
  • self-esteem;
  • and increased responsibility.

 These are all mainly aspects of personal development, with no practical references to living sustainably. Evidence from the Scottish survey indicates that nature-related foci and ‘advancing a cause’, which might include taking action for the environment or addressing the needs of future generations, were very low on the agenda in adventure type activities. Clearly, residential field course experiences and out-of-school clubs in wild or seminatural areas are a significant learning experiences for those that have them. But, in Scotland, it was only when programmes such as the John Muir Award and Natural Connections, for example, were examined, did young people specifically mention conservation or environmental protection issues. Therefore, time spent in contact with nature, developing environmental understanding and enhancing a relationship with ecosystems is not a sufficient ingredient. Young people were only moved towards action for sustainability where programmes contained strong elements related to environmental concern. Ethical concerns and enhanced relationships with nature only came when dedicated teachers taught them as main themes. This suggests that the environmental competence and environmental literacy needed for young people to be responsible citizens are more likely to come from programmes that address them directly.   A key finding of this research is that provision of formal outdoor education needs to be focused on these aspects, be made more regularly available throughout the year, and be more inclusive for all pupils. Making a once-off trip to a residential centre should be just one component of a more sustained programme required to promote a caring relationship between young people and natural heritage. The programme also needs to be based on what is valued and meaningful for young people with regards sustainability and environmental sensitivity. This would require schools to enhance and alter their provision in terms of its location, focus and type and be to sensitive to the way outdoor experience is focused, mediated and contextualised. In this light, outdoor learning would be a necessary but not sufficient element in a wider programme of education for sustainable development for pupils, staff and the communities of which they are a part. 

To develop a relationship with nature that is deeper than ecology, learners need to make multiple visits to a place, in a diversity of seasons and weathers whilst maintaining the adventure and technical aspects of activities. It is helpful to have an emphasis on locally available or in-school specialists and local support structures. A key finding in the Scottish survey is that young people’s relationship with nature was enhanced by sustained or regular visits to places they came to know well and which could be offered more regularly throughout the year and in a more inclusive manner to all pupils. This prompts the idea is that outdoor environment-related education could be more regularly located in local neighbourhoods where the focus would be on local nature sites, trees in the streets and the grassy environments of parks, school playing fields and roadside verges. This would require a multidisciplinary approach to potentially help to render it more meaningful to the everyday community lives of diverse student groups. Considering how places might be visited more regularly in all seasons through a variety of subject areas would seem to be a worthwhile aim if connections between pupils and environments are to significantly change behaviour.  In this context the emphasis should be on conservation management that could be applied to other local community/home sustainability issues, such as energy use, crime prevention, transport and home insulation.

 This is all part of a required shift in educational perspective towards non-formal project-based learning with its potential for an improved ‘fit’ between young people, their neighbourhood and the well being of their community. Such work requires a long-term management plan so that the project spans the school lives of individual pupils.  Here, there is increased scope for schools to draw on a rich fund of knowledge in their local areas for new types of outdoor learning. The hope is that planners, housing specialists, city traffic managers and policy makers will begin to take on board what psychologists, educators and play specialists now know about the inter-relationships between local environmental issues and the need for adults, young people and children to become involved in their resolution. 

There are broader cultural factors in play too. In some Scandinavian countries, children’s independence, the acquisition of environmental skills, and learning to deal with dangers in the environment are more appreciated. In the UK, as evidence from young people in Scotland testified, there appears to be less opportunity to engage with environments in ways that encouraged independence of this sort. In particular, outdoor learning is also likely to require, if not affect, a different relationship between adult and pupil than that normally experienced inside schools. There is also the question here of what commitments and values parents, outdoor educators, teachers and others bring to bear on the outdoor experiences they so critically mediate for young people. It is argued that the role of teachers and the school community in valuing and supporting children’s relationship with the environment is as important as access to more naturalised unstructured environments. Clearly, these understandings will have to be taken forward with the rhetoric of joined-up thinking between government departments/portfolios and inter-agency working.  In this strategic context, the voices of young people and their parents should be heard in the school. 

http://www.snh.org.uk/pdfs/publications/commissioned_reports/ReportNo225.pdf 

The extracurricular context

 Shortly after the first global environment summit in 1992, a group of young people gathered together at the UK headquarters of the educational charity Peace Child International. They were funded by the UN to produce a young people’s version of Agenda 21, which was entitled ‘Rescue Mission Planet Earth’. It was published on International Earth Day in 1994.  The aim was to network children as a force to conserve the resources of planet Earth.   In Wales, Rescue Mission stimulated teachers and children in the then County of Dyfed to develop a practical scheme for harnessing the National Curriculum to meet the objectives of the Local Agenda 21. The scheme developed as an all-Wales bilingual programme named SCAN (Schools in Communities Agenda 21 Network).   The UN group put forward the following diagram (Fig 1) to illustrate their manifesto for what they would like to happen as a next step. Their idea was to establish a global democracy of children starting with young people’s groups working through their local school. This did not happen. 

Fig 1 A global network of children for sustainability (1994)  

gettingtogether2.jpg   The 1994 scheme for setting up a youth network produced by the group of young people who created Rescue Mission is still a good working model for out-of-school networking of ideas and achievements locally and globally. To mark the Johannesburg ‘Rio Plus 10’ Environment Summit (2002) a selection of topics from Rescue Mission was produced by children of Cardiff schools as a guide for children to join with SCAN and produce their own mission in Wales with long-term plans for environmental improvements in home and neighbourhood.  Twenty years on from Rio, an example of what can be achieved now, using commonplace tools of the Internet, is the students led, not-for-profit and non-partisan organization in Uganda, Students for Global Democracy Uganda. This was set up in 2005 to inspire young people, principally students, to adapt to a culture of leadership, good governance and sustainability. The aim is to effectively enable grass roots participation in the democratic process and sustainable development of their country and the outside world. The Ugandan initiative is part of a global network of students for democracy with the goals of: 

  • encouraging solidarity with, and giving to support to, those across the globe, especially students, who struggle against dictatorship. This entails holding demonstrations of solidarity, providing financial support, and facilitating the training of democratic movements when necessary.
  • educating the national and international communities on the problems created by authoritarian governments and the solutions that worldwide democracy brings. This entails running awareness campaigns via speaking events, panel discussions, letters to the editor, and other innovative events that further inform the publics of the world.
  • lobbying governments to make democracy promotion the primary focus of their foreign policies, and working against those governmental policies that harm democratisation. This entails running petition campaigns, letter-writing campaigns, and protests when necessary.
  • bringing together all sides of the political spectrum in the fight for democracy. This means we do not pay lip service to the concept of non-partisanship, but truly seek it by listening to all sides of the political spectrum.

The network is based on the following beliefs:- 

  • That the desire for and ability to maintain freedom are innate characteristics held by all humans, regardless of race, religion, or creed.
  • That worldwide democracy will lead to eventual end of interstate conflict and a drastic decrease in starvation, as democratic countries do not war with one another nor has one ever experienced a famine.
  • That dictators are often the leading cause of terrorism as they oppress their people and deny them peaceful means of expression.
  • That the governments of the world’s entrenched democracies must make the promotion of freedom the primary focus of their foreign policies.
  • That the transition to democracy should be accomplished whenever possible by non-violent methods and in a open-minded non-partisan manner.
  • That the economic integration of a country’s people and isolation solely of the dictator and his cadre is much more effective in achieving a freer state than blind embargos.

A similar network, with a student arm, that is more attuned to the goals of sustainability is the Earth Charter Initiative.  Here the aim is to promote the transition to sustainable ways of living and a global society.  The initiative is founded on a shared ethical framework that includes respect and care for the community of life, ecological integrity, universal human rights, respect for diversity, economic justice, democracy, and a culture of peace. The idea of the Earth Charter originated in 1987, when the United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development called for a new charter to guide the transition to sustainable development. In 1992, the need for a charter was urged by then-Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali at the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit, but the time for such a declaration was not believed to be right. The Rio Declaration became the statement of the achievable consensus at that time. In 1994, Maurice Strong (Chairman of the Earth Summit) and Mikhail Gorbachev, working through organizations they each founded (the Earth Council and Green Cross International respectively), restarted the Earth Charter as a civil society initiative, with the help of the government of the Netherlands. There is now an organised Earth Charter Youth Group, which list the benefits of joining the Earth Charter youth network as follows: 

Association with a bold and dynamic movement that asserts that ethical sustainable development is not just a good idea, but an imperative for humanity’s and the Earth’s survival;Listing of your organizational profile on the official Earth Charter website that currently receives nearly 100,000 distinct visitors each month and to http://ecyg.wikispaces.com/. 

The Earth Charter is being used in education for all ages and within formal and non-formalcontexts. It has proved to be an especially valuable teaching instrument in the evolving field ofenvironmental education, and its principles are in accord with UNESCO’s early definitions ofenvironmental education found in the Belgrade Charter (1975) and the Tbilisi Declaration (1977).  It has been utilized in human rights and peace education and has been taken up in new educational endeavors aimed at sustainability designated variously as education for sustainable development, education for sustainability, and, even, environmental education for sustainable development. In these various arenas, the Earth Charter is contributing to the ongoing critical conceptualization of education processes that aim to develop understanding of and promote justice, sustainability and peace. 

Fig 2 Model for using the Earth Charter to turn knowledge into action

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  The Earth Charter  

Use of the Earth Charter in Education

Commonplace historical heritage

Thursday, September 2nd, 2010

 

A knowledge system for adding environmental values

 to places where we live

 

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‘The Century of Invention’; 2000 seen from 1851

1  The Lowestoft model

 Cultures appear when people share the following three humanising structures of time. 

  • Looking to the past for our origins (e.g. gods in heaven);

  • Stabilising human relationships in the present (e.g.’men’ as a collection of people and their natural resources);

  • Coming to terms with human death in the future (spiritual life after death).

 A culture emerges when these three fundamental human concepts are the basis of a harmonised blend of belief, education, work and leisure.  The culture is one of reassuring stability bonded to place through the continuity of customs, institutions and behaviour.  When any one of the humanising structures of time changes irreversibly through economic progress or decline so does the culture. 

The educational proposition is that the East Anglian community of Lowestoft is currently bound to ‘place’ by events which brought about widespread cultural behavioural change in the second half of the 19th century.  It is focused on the life of Samuel Peto, a master builder at the dawn of British civil engineering, whose ambition was to capitalise on geographical possibilities for the economic development of Lowestoft and Kirkley, its neighbouring village, then both relatively small fishing communities confined at the extreme eastern edge the British Isles. 

 Lowestoft’s pre-Peto sense of culture was evident nationally in its porcelain factory, which was in production from c.1757-1801. The first English porcelain manufactories were established in the 1740s and 50s and the Lowestoft factory is of particular importance as it was the only one to be set up in East Anglia. Lowestoft also holds an important position in the story of British ceramics as no other factory produced so many dated and inscribed pieces. This means that we have an exceptionally clear picture of who was commissioning which individual items at what date, providing an unparalleled profile of the customer base of a factory of this kind. In addition Lowestoft is also the only factory known to have made birth tablets, painted discs made to commemorate the birth of a child. The porcelain has further significance as a valuable record of Lowestoft in the late eighteenth century when it was becoming established as a popular holiday resort: many of the factory produced objects, decorated with transfer printing, were intended as souvenirs. Pieces feature local scenes such as the church, beach, lighthouses and there is one of the earliest depictions of a bathing machine. Bernard Watney has observed: ‘no other English china evokes quite the same sense of belonging to a particular place’. Equally we also know that much of the factory’s output was exported to Europe, a significant example of Lowestoft’s close links with the Continent, which were to be intensified by Peto for a broader maritime trade. 

By the time Peto arrived in Lowestoft porcelain had not been produced for almost a  generation.   He was attracted to the town by the obvious capacity of an expanded railway network to increase both the supply of marketed commodities and labour, and the demand for marketed-products.  In this context he was a national investor whose personal energies and money triggered sudden “changes in taste” for Lowestoft’s fresh fish and Kirkley’s long sandy beach for people wanting seaside holidays.  These are local examples of the resultant behaviour changes brought about by mass transport on railways, whereby Lowestoft became a major player in the combined growth of the British fishing industry and what is now called the ‘holiday hospitality industry’.  Peto’s model was Lowestoft’s neighbour, Yarmouth, a few miles up the coast, which had been developed for these purposes by his uncle.  The coming of Peto’s railway to Lowestoft transformed the relationship between space, culture, society and history. In particular, it provoked transnational flows of people, capital and ideas into the town with profound impacts on urbanisation and social dynamics that shaped the identity of migrants and their affiliation with a capitalist economy.  

Peto’s projects were duplicated nationally by other Victorian inventors, entrepreneurs and developers and brought about a widespread reallocation of family labour from goods and services for direct consumption, to marketed commodities. The national outcomes were the appearance of proto- industrial production, the intensification of work, the extensive use of female and child labour and the commodification of leisure time.  A few decades later this aggregation of traits would be used to portray the industrialised economy in Britain and recommend its material values to the rest of the world.  In the period 1750-1900 industrialization has knit the world together -not just in having wrought profound technological change, but also in the consequences, both economic and social, of that change. Industrialization allowed for the mechanization of Euro-American societies and the mass production of commodities and finished goods. At the same time, industrialization facilitated the destruction of local environments all over the world with pollution and resource depletion. Signs that Lowestoft’s fishing industry was playing a role in the destruction of North Sea fish stocks had appeared by 1900. 

Industrialization also provided the means by which Europeans, Americans, and the Japanese dominated cultures and societies around the globe through both formal and informal imperialism. As a result, the “progress” of the nineteenth century should be viewed globally, with truly global consequences that by the mid 20th century were challenging the entire planet and its peoples.  By the 1970s it was becoming clear that the world would have to face up to a global crisis of resource utilisation and some educationalists were becoming dissatisfied with the inadequacies of single subject syllabuses to tackle the problems of world development as a multidisciplinary system.  It was in this vein that Jack Walmsley, Headmaster of Kirkley High School, launched an initiative in the 1980s to involve his teachers in the evaluation of a new multidisciplinary subject dealing with world development entitled Natural Economy.  The syllabus had been devised by the University of Cambridge Local Examination Syndicate for their International GCSE.  Subsequently this was assembled as the on-line educational framework of cultural ecology (http://www.culturalecology.info) by Denis Bellamy, Professor Emeritus of the University of Wales.  The evaluation process incorporated teaching materials on the social history of Kirkley and Loweststoft provided by David Butcher of Kirkley High School, David Peachey, education officer of the Lowestoft government fisheries research institute, Trevor Westgate, a Lowestoft journalist and Ruth Downing a Suffolk local historian.   

This Lowestoft model of the cultural ecology of ‘place’ is currently being assembled, as an element of a teaching resource entitled ‘Living Sustainably’, with the C-MapTools knowledge modelling kit (Fig 1), created by the Institute of Human and Machine Cognition (a university affiliated research institute: http://cmap.ihamc.us).   It will be presented in the ICOPER Internet Discourse Space as part of a mindmap abouit living sustainably  (http://www.icoper.net:8080/rid=1HNMBKN3X-1HC1WH8-1QP/living_sustainably.cmap).  The host site is dedicated to educational  issues related to concepts and standards.  The overarching mindmap of ‘living sustainably’ showing the position of the concept of ‘historical heritage’ is set out in Fig 2. 

 The online resources will be interactive in that each object is hyperlinked to websites, images and files that amplify its meaning.  The aim is to provide templates for the local assembly of knowledge about cultural heritage as part of a community toolkit for adapting to behaviour change (environmental re-socialisation).  Urban space never stands still: the process of long-term economic development has produced today’s historic environment, and the pressure for change is today more intense than ever. The historic environment has the potential to contribute to the future success of our towns and cities, for it provides people with a sense of belonging to somewhere distinctive and special.  

It is an essential component of place making, for identity derives largely from history, and especially from its material evidence. Understanding of the historic environment is, therefore, crucial to our lives: it tells us what is important and why, it explains how our towns and cities have evolved, and it helps people to define, protect, care for and appreciate the special qualities of the places where they live.  

Fig 1 The Lowestoft cmap of cultural heritage


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Fig 2 Mindmap of the knowledge framework for ‘living sustainably’

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2 Cultural heritage: the wider perspective

 “Our Landscape Characterisation work has identified distinct landscape types and areas. The smooth, rolling, purple heather moors in the north give views to the granite massif of Dartmoor and to the mountains of the Brecon Beacons across the Bristol Channel. The coastal heaths top the spectacular hogs-back cliffs with a blaze of magenta and yellow in summer; while the gently folding uniformity of the central grass moors gives a feeling of wildness, space and tranquillity, especially in winter. The open, heathy hills of the southern moors provide a contrast to the surrounding landscape patterned with small beech-hedged fields; like a series of wilder stepping stones amid the more heavily managed farmland, The Brendon heaths stand out as breathing spaces, within the surrounding conifer plantations and act as reminders of the once extensive moorlands in this area”. ( Exmoor National Park Moorland Landscape Partnership; (2007)).  

Human generated climate change has finally put an end to the old ‘pristine myth’ of the existence of natural environments unaffected by human activity.  A scenic view of an area of land anywhere in the world is now unequivocally an ecological unit of spatial human economic development.  At the same time, gradual acceptance of the concept of landscape as a carrier of spiritual messages is also putting an end to the division of the world into a rationally progressive West and an irrationally traditional non-West.  The adoption of the latter attitude has been the driver for all post-colonial development efforts. However, in all parts of the world, a spiritual sense of place may be strongly enhanced by the landscape being written about by poets, novelists and historians, or portrayed in art or music, and more recently, through modes of codification aimed at protecting, preserving and enhancing places felt to be of value  (such as the ‘World Heritage Site’ designations used around the world, the  ‘English Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty’ and the American  ‘National Historic  Landmark’ designation).  However, these modes of highlighting environments, which are special to certain individuals or organisations, devalue environments that are not selected in this way. In this respect, it is not uncommon to find an intensification of the impulse to select a certain feature of an otherwise unremarkable vernacular landscape, which generates an indefinable unanalysable emotion. 

Nevertheless, a blending of material and spiritual values in landscape is becoming a unifying thread in landscape management plans visualised by conservationists who set the level of their ambitions to better provide environmental goods and services. Leitão and Ahern (2002) placed these management objectives within four principle currents of planning; namely physical planning, economic planning, social planning and integrated planning.   Paul Opdam developed these currents conceptually with the goal of providing planners with criteria, indicators and tools for effective conservation management as follows.  

1) The ecophysical landscape is visualised as a mosaic of ecosystems composed of a non-living component and a living component. Humans and other animals are actors and their actions may have an impact on the ecological functioning of the landscape. This is the landscape of spatial ecologists, of eco-hydrologists and physical geographers. 

2) The social landscape is visualised with its historical narratives and emotions.  It is the notional landscape used by tourists to promote their well-being.   It is the domain of environmental psychologists, of social and medical sciences, of cultural studies and anthropology. 

3) The economic landscape is visualised as a system providing goods and services of economic value.  These include the effect of increased health on labourproductivity and the economic value of tourism.  This is the landscape of environmentaleconomists. 

4) The decision-making landscape is the unit of integrated planning and design. It is the landscape of spatial planners, landscape architects, and politiciansand conservation planners.

Opdam’s model of the four dimensions of landscape and their interrelations is set out in Fig 3.  It is a conceptual area matrix (CAM), which, for any geographical unit, can be expanded in the form of a mindmap of conceptual propositions based on the strategic and operational objectives of the management plan.  The aim of a CAM is to identify, link and quantify the interrelations between all landscape constructs.  A particular advantage of conceptualising a landscape as a set of spatial perspectives is being able to conceptualise historical events from these multiple perspectives and to evaluate and relate historical data within these to current management objectives. 

Figure 3. Opdam’s model of the four dimensions of the landscape, with their interrelations  

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A concept map is a way of representing relationships between ideas, images or words, in the same way that a sentence diagram represents the grammar of a sentence, a road map represents the locations of highways and towns, and a circuit diagram represents the workings of an electrical appliance. In a concept map, each word or phrase is connected to another to make a proposition and linked back to the original idea, word or phrase. Concept maps are a way to develop logical thinking and study skills, by revealing connections and helping students see how individual ideas form a larger whole  The concept map of cultural ecology brings the CAM into a generally applicable educational framework of environmental management that begins with the following proposition: 

‘Cultural ecology is exemplified by places, where a special combination of ideas, environment and people has led to human advancement through wealth,  freedom of thought, and well-being; thereby, the environment may be valued for its material resources, beauty or spirituality and used for monetary profit, recreation, leisure, health and education: most are working communities and some are defined as heritage sites.

 Fig 4. Mindmap of cultural ecology of place 

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The proposition can be applied by a national park committee or a neighbourhood community group, and is the basis for environmental protection by organizations, free spirits, dreamers and pioneers. It is presented as a mindmap in Fig 4.  As the basis for a ‘do it yourself’ guide to participatory citizenship it prompts a structured response to the questions.  What was our neighbourhood like before human settlement? Which individual or group made plans for human advancement? What are the valuable heritage features that remain as indicators of this human endeavour? 

3  Sense of place

Areas said to have a powerful  “sense of place” have a strong identity and character that is deeply felt by local inhabitants and by many visitors. Sense of place is a social phenomenon that exists independently of any one individual’s perceptions and experiences, yet, paradoxically, is dependent on individual human engagement for its existence. Such an affinity may be derived from the natural environment, but is more often made up of a mix of natural and cultural features in the landscape, and generally includes the people who occupy, or have occupied, the place.

At an individual level, deep down we all want to know how we fit into a greater scheme of things, and this type of question motivates us to try to understand the neighbourhood where we live.  Some may take a spiritual viewpoint, others require a scientific, political or celebrity explanation.  Underneath it all is our innate curiosity about our surroundings. We all quickly develop a mental sense of place wherever we may be.  More than ‘environment’, ‘place’ exists only after people have imagined it. These imaginative structures create a feeling of belonging and unify land and its peoples in powerful ways. Sense of place is linked to meaning and permanence because places have a way of claiming people within the context of notions associated with them.  This is the essence of conservation, because people come to value the biophysical elements of town and country scenery as visual triggers to relive the past.  Historical connection with the streets we walk is thus a significant way to social action to protect our neighbourhood. Thinking historically about our surroundings in this way also allows us to embrace the connection with each other.  Also, it has been said that engagement with history answers all the great questions of life. Like faith it explains everything.

Many early studies on the relationship between culture and ecology were focused on indigenous peoples, and the links between culture and environment defined as ‘culture areas.’  The two universally dominant ideas are that culture determines environment, and environment determines culture.  The latter viewpoint says that the natural environment sets certain possibilities for establishing a life style from which cultures, conditioned by their history and particular customs, may choose in order to move forward.

Environmental possibilism marks in many ways an important shift towards an interactive view of the survival relationships between cultures and their environment, which is central to cultural ecology.  A cultural core of subsistence patterns is seen as having developed largely in response to particular local natural resources.  Furthermore, this cultural topographic core may shape other cultural features of social organization.  Therefore an ‘ecological cultural core’ plays an interactive role for both environment and society, to shape cultural adaptive behavioural change for a different future.  In this sense, the combined study of culture and ecology is orientated towards an understanding of the processes or causes of the ‘evolution’ of culture.  This occurs by explaining the choices made by cultures, which are presented to them by their history as well as by their environment, and the way in which these interactions may produce different and unpredictable paths of economic development. Sense of place is thus a binding thread for community members, and also signposts the future.  When a place claims very diverse kinds of people, then those people must eventually adapt to live with each other; they must learn how to reconcile their different views of space.  History is riddled with examples of cultural extinctions produced by dispassionate Europeans in the name of acquiring living space.

All these links between culture and place may be regarded as behavioural features of survival value to individuals, families and their communities.  They are essential for the question ‘Where do you come from?’ to mean something.  These days people live everywhere, which is the same as living nowhere. Like a vitamin deficiency, a contact deficiency with local history weakens the body, the mind, and the spirit.  The great challenge of our times is to rebuild connections into our self-conscious lives, by reaching out to others and by being part of something larger than ourselves. Connectedness has to be the key to living a full and rounded life and an ability to cope with rapid economic change. The problem is much larger than family history, which essentially involves chasing a Y chromosome, which reinforces a kind of divisive non-adaptive tribablism.  We need genealogical models designed to capture human unity in a more realistic way. One thing we can learn from family history is that our ancestors did not follow a random mating model.   In this respect, family trees illustrate the tendency of individuals to choose mates from the same social group, and the relative isolation of geographically separated groups.  Recent genetical research into this system of non-random mating indicates that the genealogies of all living humans overlap in remarkable ways in the recent past.  While we may not all be brothers, these models suggest we are all hundredth cousins or so with everyone else on planet earth.

Three vital ties to place that give our days meaning, focus on places in the present where we can make connections with our ancestors, and fit these people in the wider context of global history and the cosmos.  For example, there are:-

·         Places of landing.

We are by nature a migrant species, and we should mark and celebrate our places of arrival and departure.

·         Places of settlement.

There are some places in every country that have a particular significance for particular groups of people, because they are where their ancestors have built kinship networks. Places of settlement are where we meet up with nature by destroying ecosystems and displacing or exterminating wildlife 

·         Places of interaction between peoples

So many of our places of historical encounter are hidden in the landscape, with little more than a sign to point to them. Many of these are places of conflict, telling stories that we need to know to understand grievances that have been handed down from generation to generation, but there are others that symbolise cooperation, productivity and friendship.   

·         Places of spiritual significance

Sacred or holy places are found in different cultures, past and present, all over the world.  Such places are frequently marked or embellished by architectural structures and art. In most cases, it can be shown that the sacredness of a place is linked in some way to natural objects, and features such as trees, stones, water, mountains, caves and forms in the landscape. It can further be shown that these natural objects and forms lie at the root of the forms and shapes employed to mark or embellish a sacred site.  The development of modern science has made incredible much of the content of traditional belief of religions based on a supernatural god.  Sacredness and spiritualism without God means that the quest for transcendent living, which is satisfied in nothing else but genetic demand for inner and outer order, has evolved the concepts of  intelligence‘, ‘love‘ and ‘free being’. Silence and contemplation are not just for monks and nuns, they are natural functions of human biology.  Places become special where there is space for silence and contemplation of the land; when ‘two plus two equals five’ and there is no longer a deep suspicion of thoughtfulness. 

4  Sense of culture

 Culture, according to Vijay Sathe is, 

“the set of important understandings (often unstated) that members of a community share in common.”  

These shared understandings consist of a community’s, values, attitudes, beliefs and lifestyles.  The understandings and the ideas we live by are always mediated through things we make.  Therefore the things we make are perhaps the most tangible manifestation of a sense of culture.  There are numerous expressions of making: such as tools; clothing and jewellery; costumes and props for festivals and performing arts; storage containers, objects used for storage, transport and shelter; decorative art and ritual objects; musical instruments and household utensils, and toys, both for amusement and education. Many of these objects are only intended to be used for a short time, such as those created for festival rites, others may become heirlooms that are passed from generation to generation; most are expendable and and become neglected when out of fashion. 

Until the invention of mass production, objects were of necessity all hand-made and the term art referred to the skills necessary for any kind of making process. Art as a special object had no separate reality. This inclusive definition existed until the fifteenth century when art and craft were not yet considered to be separate entities. The idea that “art” is a revered product of creative inspiration, while “craft” is the production of useful items had no meaning. In the 1470s, the Confraternity of St Luke in Florence listed 42 members, 32 of whom specialised in figurative painting.  There were 54 workshops specialising in marble and stone decoration and 44 gold- or silversmiths, 30 painters, 22 sculptors and 14 masters of perspective. The number of individuals serving daily material needs is revealing.  For instance, that there were some 70 butchers and 66 spice merchants operating in Florence at that time. This kind of information suggests that, unlike in our own society, where art objects are luxury goods produced by named individuals directed to satisfy a small and expensive market, the demand for a more anonymous art in fifteenth-century Florence, and, presumably, in Italy as a whole, was almost as great as the demands for basic everyday commodities. 

The skills involved in creating objects are as varied as the items themselves and range from delicate, detailed work such as producing paper votives to robust, rugged tasks like creating a sturdy basket or thick blanket.  In 15th century Florence, which was growing rich on banking and a European-wide trade in luxury goods, people began to select the objects that they like to live with. They began the intensive cultivation of their family domain to package themselves with their belongings.  It has been said that all objects are “packaged” to deliver certain meanings. And desire packages everything. When we dress, we package our bodies. In fact, every thing has a skin through which it speaks. We have personal feelings about these ‘mantelpiece objects’.  We project into them, and communicate through them. There is a ritual relationship to these domestic collections that occurs on a daily basis. 

Now, in our advanced industrial Western society, mass-produced objects are found on consoles, on tables, on countertops. These counters and tables are vehicles of presentation; they are also functional objects, but they also have cultural skins and histories. It was desire, fuelled by personal wealth that made people tap into a limited supply of well-crafted objects, which were elevated to the status of ‘art’.  Along with this ‘object inflation’, the methods and materials used to educate craftsmen changed considerably during the Renaissance. Throughout the period, most received their early training as apprentices. However, during the 1400s, learning about a growing art theory centred on making pictures, gradually became as important as mastering practical skills. By the 1600s, making art objects had evolved from a craft into an academic framework of values and critics.  In a wider contemporary context it is the making of things that shapes the way we encounter the world. Thus the concept of a culture and the design of objects it uses are intertwined.  Cultural evolution in turn, reflects and determines developments in design.  

Contemporary design not only satisfies the needs of our material life, but also increasingly considers the needs of our spiritual life. It provides people with many kinds of enjoyment in practice, in emotion and in mentality, and it attaches more and more importance to the added-value product. When this is overdone the products are classified as kitsch Though its precise etymology is uncertain, it is widely held that the word kitsch originated in the Munich art markets of the 1860s and 70s, used to describe cheap, hotly marketable pictures or sketches. Designers take great efforts to infuse the crafting value, culture value and aesthetic value into the creation of a whole organic entitiy.  From this point of view the public have come to understand that art may apear in commonplace mass produced objects without an artistic intention.  Such objects emerge in the market for antiques and collectables and are valued according to the rarity that comes from chance survival. 

John Ruskin was the first to move attention away from a “disinterested” contemplation of an artwork, and toward a broader examination of the society from which the work arises.  The connection of art with the tastes of popular culture was not part of a definite cultural movement until pop art appeared in the mid 1950s in Britain and in the late 1950s in the United States.  Pop art challenged tradition by asserting that an artist’s use of the mass-produced visual commodities of popular culture is contiguous with the perspective of fine art.  Pop removes the material from its context and isolates the object, or combines it with other objects, including kitsch, for contemplation.  Regarding kitsch, makers were able to maintain legitimacy by saying they were quoting imagery to make conceptual points about the culture that prouced it, usually with the appropriation being ironic. This is the common ground where art meets the Antiques Roadshow. 

5  Conclusions

 Commonplace historical heritage is found when values are placed on objects that we wish to keep it – perhaps after their useful life. These may be aesthetic, social, scientific or historical.  We may value something for the story it has to tell about the past, or because it was associated with events or people. Something may have an intense personal value, or it may hold memories for us as individuals or as communities. The heritage organizations, large and small, look after those social assets, whether through protecting buildings, funding projects, opening sites and displaying objects and information to the public.  The word ‘liveability’ has been invented to sum up how people interact with where they live and how that influences their whole attitude to their surroundings. This is one of the routes to sustainability because sustainable communities are only sustainable if they command the loyalty and passion of the people who live there. It is widely accepted that there is no more effective way of engaging people in new or renewed communities and neighbourhoods than by engaging with their own history, which through made objects focuses aesthetic value (beauty, harmony); spiritual value (understanding, enlightenment, insight); social value (connection with others, a sense of identity); historical value (connection with the past); symbolic value (objects or sites as repositories or conveyors of meaning); authenticity value (integrity, uniqueness).  These values derive from a broadly cultural discourse about the significance of art and culture in human affairs. 

inkstand.jpg

Lowestoft porcelain inkstand, circa 1795

People, ecology, place

Saturday, June 19th, 2010

“How strange it is that a bird, under the form of a woodpecker, should have been created to prey on insects on the ground; that upland geese, which never or rarely swim, should have been created with webbed feet; that a thrush should have been created to dive and feed on sub-aquatic insects; and that a petrel should have been created with habits and structure fitting it for the life of an auk or grebe! and so on in endless other cases. But on the view of each species constantly trying to increase in number, with natural selection always ready to adapt the slowly varying descendants of each to any unoccupied or ill-occupied place in nature, these facts cease to be strange, or perhaps might even have been anticipated.”Charles Darwin (1859), ‘On the Origin of Species’  

As an educational proposition, cultural ecology deals with the relationships between people, ecology and place.  It encompasses the comprehensive interlocking role of ecology in human life and culture, which brings together people with nature to manage our interactions with the man-made environment.  The aim of cultural ecology is to generate respect for both the natural and the built environment so that people act in a way that conserves environmental resources and their cultural and aesthetic values. In particular there is a comprehensive role for arts and architecture as material and spiritual expressions of the cultural values of a society and the need to preserve these expressions for the benefit of future generations.  

Three practical routes to achieve this end are the management of consumerism to reduce social inequalities; management of resources to improve livelihoods; and management of resources for environmental sustainability .   These routes may be expressed at all levels of landscape: the natural landscape, which is not always as “natural” as it appears; the built landscape, which humans have modified to fulfill their physical needs or desires; and the designed landscape, which is the result of conscious effort to produce meaning. Meaning in all categories of landscape ranges from the divine to the humble and practical.  

Meaning and value are created together in our material and spiritual experiences of landscape, not in the landscape itself.  They derive from the ways people perceive environment, not only real-world landscapes but depictions of landscapes in writing, painting, maps, photography, and other forms of art.  These experiences combine the physical aspects of architecture and land use of the everyday environment here and now with individual memories, shared meanings, lived history, and expectations of the how it will or should be in the future. 

Culture and niche 

Darwin’s idea of the evolution of life proceeding from adaptations to environment by natural selection rests on each species being defined by a specific position in nature.  The term niche expresses the idea that this ‘place’ is the sum total of adaptations to the environment possessed by the species in question.  Niche was first used by the naturalist Joseph Grinnell in 1917, in his ornithological paper “The niche relationships of the California Thrasher.”.  A niche refers to the way in which an organism fits into an ecological community or ecosystem.  It is the evolutionary outcome of the sum total of morphological physiological, and behavioural adaptations by which a species genetically adapts to its surroundings. The word “niche” is derived from the Middle French word nicher, meaning to nest. However, it was not until 1927 that Charles Elton gave the first working definition of the niche concept. He is credited with saying: “When an ecologist says ‘there goes a badger,’ he should include in his thoughts some definite idea of the animal’s place in the community to which it belongs, just as if he had said, ‘there goes the vicar.’ The ecological niche has also been termed by G.E. Hutchinson a “hypervolume.” This term defines the multi-dimensional space of resources (e.g., light, nutrients, structure, etc.) available to, and specifically used by, each species.  

It has long been known that many animals extensively modify their immediate surroundings. Numerous ‘animals without hands’ manufacture nests, burrows, holes, webs and pupal cases; plants and micro organisms change levels of atmospheric gases and modify nutrient cycles. The defining characteristic of niche construction is not organism-driven modification of the environment, but rather the specific modification of the relationship between an organism and its environment.  Hence niche construction involves habitat selection, dispersal and migration. Advocates of the niche-construction perspective within evolutionary biology stress the active role that organisms play in driving evolutionary and coevolutionary events. They seek to explain the adaptive complementarity of organism and environment.  This is done in terms of dynamic, reciprocal interactions between the processes of natural selection and niche construction. Evolution thus entails networks of causation and feedback in which previously selected organisms drive environmental changes. Organism-modified environments subsequently select for changes in organisms.  Thus, niche construction is the very general dynamic process whereby species, including humans, modify their own and/or each others’ niches, through their metabolism, their activities, and their behavioural choices. This trend is carried to its extreme in humans, for whom culture has, in fact, become its niche. 

It seems this perspective of cultural ecology emerged in the mind of the American entrepreneur anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan at the time when Darwin was gathering his intellectual strength to publish the Origin of Species.  Morgan was researching the development of human social evolution from savagery to civilisation. He believed the drivers were ideas, passions and aspirations that ran parallel with the idea of ‘property and office’, which over millennia ‘was slowly formed in the human mind’.  Property and office are both the essence of social hierarchy.  Morgan’s full list of cultural processes, which determine the social human niche, is as follows: 1 Subsistence2 Government3 Language4 The Family5 Religion6 House Life and Architecture7 Property Cross discipline research, spanning anthropology and biology is now converging on the view that human evolution has been shaped by dynamic on-going gene/culture/ecology interactions. Theoretical biologists have used population genetic models to demonstrate that social processes that characterise the habitability of space can have a profound effect on human evolution, and anthropologists are investigating cultural practices that modify current selection.  Architectural design is central to habitability. 

Environments of happiness 

‘House architecture, which connects itself with the form of the family and the plan of domestic life, affords a tolerably complete illustration of progress from savagery to civilization.  Its growth can be traced from the hut of the savage, through the communal houses of the barbarians to the house of the single family of civilized nations, with all the successive links by which one extreme is connected with the other’ Lewis Henry Morgan (1877) ‘Ancient Society’ 

In 1725, in the small Suffolk village of Theberton,  James Kemp died prematurely, aged 38.  In his will he described himself as a carpenter architect.  The Kemp family are recorded as builders and timber merchants in the villages around Theberton for about three centuries, where they have been connected with new timber-framed houses and farmsteads. James Kemp’s death was a century after the word architect began to be applied to a particular person.  First used on the title-page of a book by John Shute of 1563, it next appears on the tombstone of Robert Smythson in 1614 and in the register of the death of Robert Lyminge at Blickling in 1628, where he is described as ‘the architect and builder of Blickling Hall (1616).  Lyminge is also recorded as the carpenter architect of Hatfield House begun in 1607.   Smythson began his working life as a mason and became joint head mason with Alan Maynard on Sir John Thynne’s project to rebuild Longleat House after a disastrous fire in the 1660s. He had also designed Woolaton Hall for Sir Francis Willoughby, which was begun in 1580. 

From the lives of Kemp, Smythson and Lyminge it appears that the turn of the 16th century marked the separation of craft from design. Named architects entered history!  Robert Smythson had also been in charge of the conversion of Wardour Castle for Sir Mathew Arundell, Sir Francis Willoughby’s brother-in-law.  Old Wardour Castle is an unusual stone tower house, built in a single-phase from 1393, when King Richard II granted the 5th Lord Lovel a licence to fortify his house at Wardour. The four storey hexagonal tower with its central courtyard that contains a well is actually only lightly fortified with two square towers flanking the entrance.  In the 1570s, Sir Matthew Arundell employed Robert Smythson to decoratively remodel the castle, by then his luxurious home.  He also rebuilt the embattled curtain wall of the huge hexagonal outer court. In May 1643 during the Civil War, the castle was attacked by the Parliamentarian Sir Edward Hungerford and after a short siege the castle was surrendered to him. In December, Henry, 3rd Baron Arundell led a Royalist counter-siege, which lasted until March 1644 when the garrison once again surrendered. Badly damaged by mining and cannon fire, the castle ceased to be occupied. It was replaced by New Wardour Castle in 1776, when the bailey of the old castle was laid out as a landscaped pleasure garden, a peacetime leisure ajunct to the new house. The ruined tower and curtain wall of the outer bailey survives at Old Wardour together with the remains of 17th century stables, an elaborate grotto, a miniature stone circle and a summerhouse. Smythson’s episode at Old Wardour is an illustration of the hold of the past on the imagination of sixteenth-century English landowners.

Architecturally this preoccupation with the past is not only manifest in certain features of new houses built at this time, but in the ways in which existing houses of earlier date, dismantled abbeys and abandoned castles were adapted and altered. Conversion and conservation were almost as great passions of the age as the designing of new houses. Sir William Sharington’s work at the Augustinian nunnery of Lacock is an outstanding instance of the sixteenth-century conversion of a major medieval building. He bought the intact property for £750 at the dissolution of the monastic estate in 1540.  At the same time, as the new lord of the village, he appropriated the north-east chapel in the parish church, where his fine monument, a richly decorated tomb-chest, instantly catches the eye. His character showed the disquieting duality of that of so many men of his century. His undeniable feeling for architecture was allied to a deplorable lack of scruple. Sir William was Vice-Treasurer of the Bristol Mint and he took advantage of his office to finance his activities at Lacock from the State coinage. He was found out and deprived of his property in 1549. His wife managed to obtain his release and buy back the estate in the following year and work at Lacock was immediately resumed. Like several of his contemporaries and like some remarkable landowners of succeeding ages Sir William was himself responsible for the plan and the picturesque aspect of the converted abbey. He kept the entire cloister of the medieval structure with its lierne vault and lively bosses, together with the chapter-house and warming-room which lead off from it, none of which provided practical living space but were simply conversation pieces of antiquarian interest.  In the east range he introduced a gallery with Italianate pilasters. He skilfully harmonized the fifteenth-century gatehouse with an outer courtyard built of stone but with half-timbered dormers and a pretty half-timbered clock turret and cupola, and concentrated his modernising interest in classical form on the south front of his house. This new Lacock facade for the first time stresses the import of continental Renaissance elements, which was an inseparable part of those Elizabethan times. The proportions of the design and the prominent balustraded parapet masking, yet emphasising, the roofline – an essentially classical convention – are completely novel and untraditional. The oriel windows are Gothic Revival additions by the later owner of the abbey, Fox Talbot, the pioneer photographer.

laycock3.jpgLaycock Abbey

The sharp discord between the balustraded, horizontal front and the medieval survivals preserved within the building is beautifully resolved by the corner tower, upon which the whole domestic ecology of Sharington’s conversion hinges. This is polygonal, with a Renaissance parapet, and the fenestration of the top room is absolutely regular. Yet the stair turret is crowned by a pepperpot dome and below the parapet, beast heads snarl and grimace like medieval gargoyles. Inside the tower in the two top rooms and contemporary with them, are two extraordinary stone tables as revealing of Sharington’s character and historical interests as the building itself. They are polygonal like the tower. One is supported by fauns carrying buckets of fruit, the other by four herms and four niches enclosing allegorical figures. Constructed within the tower room, they are immovable and provide today’s visitors with a direct mental connection with the mind of the designer.  But the Gothic past is not forgotten: the Renaissance-derived niches are provided with rib-vaults. The tower was built as a ‘safe deposit box’ with a view.  It also performed the essential service of drawing attention to Sharington’s dominance of the village across his private parkland. We can generalise from Laycock, that in the case of existing structures, alterations and modifications made by Elizabethans throughout the land, almost without exception, the designs exaggerate and glamorise the character of the previous buildings as well as transforming them by the introduction of classical themes. For example, shortly after 1580, the rambling aspect of Haddon Hall, which strikes us as so essentially medieval, was intensified by the addition of a long gallery, oriels and castellated bays and by the glorious terraced garden, which calls attention to the sloping nature of the site. 

Haddon HallHaddon Hall  

A century later, in 1687, Newton published his “Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy”, often called the ‘Principia’.  The Principia states Newton’s laws of motion, forming the foundation of physical science, which includes Newton’s law of universal gravitation, and a derivation of Kepler’s laws of planetary motion.  It explained so many different things about the workings of the natural world with such precision, that this method became synonymous with physics, even as it is practiced almost over four centuries after its beginning.  In the same year, the architect William Talman was appointed by William Cavendish, later 1st Duke of Devonshire, to remodel the south-facing garden façade of Chatsworth House. For sheer splendour, the elevation was without precedent within the realms of country-house design. Conceived for Cavendish, an influential Whig nobleman on the eve of the Glorious Revolution, it reflected the Baroque magnificence of the contemporary royal residence at Greenwich, and the palaces of Paris and Rome. Talman’s professional pedigree was first recorded in compositions executed only during his thirties when he was working with Wren.   In the lives of Newton and Talman, two poles of culture and nature had come into equilibrium.  A mysterious and menacing universe had been transformed into a vast but comprehensible all embracing structure of mathematical precision and beautiful simplicity.  In this context, science and architecture are both attempts to recreate recognisable patterns of human emotional life.  They replicate and mirror aspects of the human condition by presenting conceptual cultural and environmental structures symbolised in numbers and objects. Science and art are come to common ground in a burst of human creativity.   

We can say that the lifetime period between 1670 and 1730 was a flash of light that expelled the murky world of medieval superstition, barbarism and ignorance.  These developments in science and architecture illuminated a contemporary sense of ‘living happy’ with which we are enveloped as soon as we step into the three-dimensional ‘pictures’ of buildings in 18th century landscape gardens.  Three centuries ago the owners were dominated by a noble zeal for building, for laying out gardens, planting avenues and improving their land and thereby achieving a deeply satisfying cultural equilibrium between family and environment. However, all of this costly building activity was backed by an increase in inequalities of wealth within the rural population who provided labour.  This division was at variance with the long-term aim of the property owner, which was to pass his family happiness associated with property and office to grandchildren yet to be conceived.  The other key words in relation to property were nature and the picturesque. In the vocabulary of eighteenth century landowners, nature stood for order proportion, authority, clarity and concord. Picturesque stood for the presence of something not inherent in the nature of the thing like ruggedness belonging to a mountain, or a deeper expression of it such as age or sorrow. This quest for the artistic qualities of people in nature and the picturesque is still evidently a powerful human cultural goal today.  It is expressed in membership of the National Trust, cosmopolitan events like the Chelsea Flower Show and the subject matter and style of pictures we like to hang on our walls and snap with our digital cameras. 

Cultural evolution of the country house 

‘The fact that buildings, particularly in pre-industrial cultures, do seem to develop through the testing and selection of discrete variations has added strength to the narrow analogy with evolution, but I would argue that buildings emerge in this sense from a host of intertwined mechanisms in which the forces of culture, and now media, are every bit as important as the narrow functional terms such as structural efficiency. In fact, looked at in this way, it seems remarkable that building forms or uses are at all stable when there are so many kinds of forces active’. William W. Braham (2002) ACSA Technology Conference  

The country house culture can be said to have begun in the 17th century when wealth began to accumulate widely beyond the aristocratic divide.  Mostly it derived from the perks of political office and the personal profits of entrepreneurship.   An example of the latter is the rise to social prominence of the Midlands Foley family. Richard Foley (1588-1657) was a prominent Midlands pioneer ironmaster.  His son Thomas took over his father’s business and made great profits from it in the 1650s and 1660s, which he used to buy estates. In the late 1660s, he founded a bluecoat school at Stourbridge known as Old Swinford Hospital, which he endowed in his will. On one of his properties in the village of Great Witley, in 1655 he erected two towers on the north side of the existing house and his grandson Thomas Foley, the 1st Lord Foley, added wings to enclose the entrance courtyard. This house became the ancestral home of the Foley family and the family continued to prosper. In 1735 the 2nd Lord Foley constructed a new parish church to the west of the courtyard, an undertaking begun by his father. The church was given a remarkable baroque interior in 1747 when he commissioned James Gibbs to incorporate paintings and furnishings acquired at the auction of the contents of Cannons House. This was the magnificent Middlesex home of the Duke of Chandos from where the artwork was shipped by canal to Great Witley.  During the second half of the 18th century the park at Great Witley was landscaped. This included relocating the village, which brought the lower orders, from which the first Thomas Foley had sprung, too close for comfort.  In about 1805 the 3rd lord employed John Nash to carry out a major reconstruction of the house, including the addition of huge ionic porticoes to the north and south fronts. The portico on the south front is probably the largest on any country house in England.   

The impecunious 4th Lord had to sell the estate in 1837 to the trustees of William, Lord Ward, who had inherited a great fortune from the coal and iron industries in the Black Country.  In the 1850s, Lord Ward (by then ennobled as the Earl of Dudley) engaged the architect Samuel Daukes, who had already altered his London house, Dudley House on Park Lane and the church at Great Witley, to remodel the house in Italianate style using ashlar stone cladding over the existing red brickwork. He also commissioned the leading garden designer William Andrews Nesfield to transform the gardens.  Much of his wealth was devoted to the restoration of Worcester Cathedral and as a major benefactor his magnificently decorated tomb is situated prominently in the retrochoir. 

These major investments in country living took place within a significant lifetime period between 1770 and 1830 during which profits from industrialism moulded the English country house culture.  Iron working in the 17th century had marked the first phase of industrial profitability. The next century saw the introduction of power spinning in the Lancashire cotton industry through the invention of the Hargreaves jenny and the Arkwright water frame.  In 1732 a few Stockport manufacturers acquired a mill and started the mass production of silk.  Their impulse came from the purchase by Parliament of Lombe’s silk-throwing machinery, when the British patent expired.  Pirated from Italy, the machine had 26,586 wheels and 97,746 movements driven by a 24 ft diameter water wheel.  The industry expanded rapidly and by 1770 there were a dozen silk mills in Stockport alone.  Its wholesale adoption marks an epoch in the rise of the British factory system.  The local uptake of ideas and inventions was becoming commonplace and produced wealth beyond imagining for those landowners, bankers, lawyers and businessmen who, one way or another, became engaged in mass production. Invariably, one of their first intentions was to consolidate their social status by devoting a significant portion of their newly found wealth to purchase or embellish a country estate. 

image1480.JPGDownton Castle

Between 1770 and 1830 the picturesque form of the country house was exemplified by Richard Payne Knight’s Downton Castle.  There is no doubt that Knight, who was born to a parson and his servant girl, owed his wealth to the fortunes of his grandfather, one of several wealthy pioneer ironmasters.   Downton Castle was a practical expression of the ideas of Knight, as an arbiter of the culture of the picturesque.  It led to a powerful architectural movement led by the building designer Anthony Salvin, who eventually produced the giant house of Harlaxton Manor for Gregory de Ligne Gregory in the 1830s; a drama of curves and pepperpot domes, oriels and strapwork and towers all in golden stone.   

harlaxton.jpgHarlaxton Manor

John Gregory, who was Mayor in 1571 and again in 1586, established the Gregory family in the highest levels of civic culture of Nottingham during the 16th century. His son, William, represented the town in Parliament and gave tenements to the town for the benefit of the poor. The family has always been very intimately associated with the public life of the town until almost modern times.  The source of Gregory Gregory’s wealth to build Harlaxton probably came from the rising prosperity of the family’s business interests in the town.   Nottingham’s industrial wealth sprang from Heathcote and Leavers numerous patents for machinery, which collectively revolutionised the mass manufacture of lace at the beginning of the 19th century.  Mass production of lace brought the lace industry to the fore in Nottingham, over and above that of the earlier textile industry, framework knitting.  

Thoresby Hall was Anthony Salvin’s last great commission.  He was building the house in his inimical Gothic revival style when Lewis Henry Morgan was publishing ‘Ancient Society’ in 1877.  Salvin had pioneered this Tudor/Jacobean confection when a young man.  Every building he designed was based on his own research into authentic medieval examples.  His objective the cultural fusion of domestic or castellated architecture of the Middle Ages, the Tudors, and the Jacobeans, with design techniques of the picturesque.  He used the past as a basis for creation, not copyism, in order to satisfy the needs of the early Victorian upper classes for a house to display their property and office. Two other houses in this by now outdated style were completed at just this time, Elvetham Hall, by S.S. Teulon and Ettington Park by John Prichard. All three houses are now preserved as luxury hotels.   Coincident with the Thoresby build, two of Salvin’s pupils, Norman Shaw and William Eden Nesfield, were building Leyswood and Kinmel respectively in a new English vernacular style, which drew on simple design elements inherent in aspects of Tudor, Elizabethan and Jacobean buildings, such as half-timbering and prominent gables.  Today, these features are still desirable features of mass-produced private housing. 

A vivid picture emerges from the professional lives of these architects of how people shape buildings and buildings shape people, as changing rules about the layout and uses of space have an impact on social relationships.  In this sense, we are dealing with the construction of new cultural niches, which mark the progress of rural social evolution. Landowners modify their own selective environment to such a degree that it changes the selection pressures acting on present and future generations as to how they will engage culturally with space.  

The cultural interaction of animals with space is a firm biological principle, which may be traced to Charles Darwin, who identified the variable dialects of bird songs as traditions of social learning.  To him they illustrated “that an instinctive tendency to acquire an art is not peculiar to man”.  Culture consists in behaviour patterns transmitted by imitation or tuition. Animals acquire behaviour complexes by the imitation of one another. Many instances of instruction of the young by animal parents have been authoritatively reported. For example, songs invented by certain birds and then acquired by other birds through association are conclusive evidence of the rudiments of culture in the strictest sense of the word. Domesticated animals acquire culture complexes from human beings.  The niche construction concept can be applied to all animals with culture.  In this respect it has been generalised as the ‘triple-inheritance model’ of cultural evolution because it builds on previous so-called dual-inheritance models, which cast genetic and social evolution as by and large independent evolutionary systems.  Through Morgan’s dictum that ‘property and office were the foundations upon which aristocracy planted itself’, the niche construction approach extends such models to human cultural ecology.  It incorporates the ecological domain rather than only addressing cultural traits learned by individuals. Genetic selection pressures are not discernable through the generations inhabiting different versions of the country house.  Nevertheless, in less opulent living spaces it is more obvious that our bodies are in constant dialogue with our surroundings. Interior space characterised by high mortality would favour those with genetic resistance to cold, smoke inhalation and diseases carried by insect vectors.  The lack of access to a domestic safe water supply, sanitation and hygiene is still the third most significant risk factor for poor health in developing countries with high mortality rates. Similarly, the risk of disease and death skyrockets when sick and hungry family members are crammed together in a leaky, smoke-filled hut.  This powerful genetic selection pressure of poor homelife, which is still with humanity in a global perspective, casts light on the situation in the village community surrounding Salvin’s Thoresby Hall in the 1870s.  In this respect, it is interesting to read General Sir Allan Shafto Adair’s comments on life in Flixton Hall, which Salvin had built for the Adair family in the mid 1840s.   ‘Flixton Hall was a vast, uncomfortable mausoleum still with no proper central heating…. It was bitterly cold there in winter that our children had to wear their overcoats when they went from room to room’. (A Guard’s General, 1986). 

Regarding living space, we can contrast the one-up, one down, norm for a 19th century English labourer’s cottage with the multitude of interconnected rooms of the local lord, where, for example, it is known that in one country house, a cottage-spaced room was designated exclusively for ironing the daily newspapers! Paradoxically, we put this blatant social inequality on one side to follow architectural traces of the past in buildings designed to encase a family standard of living, which we still admire and willingly accept when we pay to be a guest of Thoresby Hall.  Despite this incongruity, by considering the cultural and biophysical interplay between our bodies and buildings, generalised insights can be gathered into the habitability of buildings and how they are occupied and understood spatially as cultural markers.  We take with us on this quest unrealistic ideas of habitation and comfort that we anticipate when responding to the external picturesque form of a building and associate with forthcoming interior experiences. Architecture, therefore provides a stage upon which everyday social life is enacted.  It thereby generates a “concept of history,” both individual and collective.  Our biological imperative is Georges Perec’s architectural mantra for stating the ordinary and everyday aspect of cultural evolution: ‘To live is to pass from one space to another’

thoresby.jpgThoresby Hall


Educational framework 
As an educational proposition, cultural ecology deals with the interactions between ‘’place and ‘people’ to produce material and spiritual values for the cultural management of:  

  • consumerism to reduce social inequalities;
  • material resources to improve livelihoods;
  • and biophysical resources to maintain environmental sustainability;

 and thereby ensure sustainable development of the natural environment, the built environment and the designed environment, which together with biological niches, categorise place. 

This proposition is set out in the following mindmap

Cultural ecology mindmap
 

The next mindmap develops the above concept of biological niches.  The proposition is that interactions between spaces and culture take place by organisms partitioning the environment to create biological niches.  Biological niches result from social and genetic selection, which are adaptations to environment that change human culture through processes of social inheritance and genetic inheritance.  Processes of social inheritance are family legacies of wealth and property and the adoption of status models of house life and architecture arising from historical scholarship and technological innovation.

Spaces and culture

Cultural maps of meaning

Tuesday, June 1st, 2010

Our ancestors of 4 Myr ago lived in a world as they found it and left it intact.  Since these primeval times it is through culture that we have irreversibly transformed our physical, biological, social and informational environments to define human ecology. Humans of one generation bequeath a constructed world to the next generation, who, on average, alter it further before transmitting it to their successors.  With the evolution of this new human ‘ecology of construction’, a transformation occurred in hominin morphology and life history. Humans are less sexually dimorphic than australopithecines, but we are larger, with relatively bigger brains. Our cortical regions, especially, have expanded and we pay the metabolic cost of these vital tissues and the long learning curve they promote.  But we are still part of nature in everything we do.

Mindmap of ‘ecology of construction’

ecology-of-construction.jpg

Humankind now has to face managing the dynamics of being an indivisible part of nature from shopping to kissing.  This is the scope of cultural ecology, which developed at the interface between biology, geography and anthropology in the early 1970s.  It was a time when applied ecology emerged as a profession aimed at understanding how plants, animals, microbes and people coexist spatially. The aim was to discover how the environment can be constructed socially and organised technically and ethically for sustainable production of all species. This requires a major cultural change by adopting a progressive sense of space, where place is the intersection of sets of social relations over particular spaces and the connections they make to elsewhere.  

The first ecological models of the progressive relationship between environment and culture were native subsistence societies in Central America and Papua New Guinea.  They illustrated the shift from local cultural beliefs and practices, developed in a pristine environment, to encompass external economic relations.  New cultures were created based on commodity production with the adoption of wage labour and the pursuit of cash. Now that ancient cultures of self-sufficiency are extinct, all levels of education are increasingly focused on the ecology of construction expressed in the spatiality of human and other life forms.  Spatiality is the outcome of the act of dwelling in or living permanently in a place comprising the habitats of all living things.  Appropriate synomyms are inhabitancy, inhabitation; the hypernyms are occupancy, tenancy; and the hyponyms are cohabitation, living together.

 To illustrate the generality of this habitat dynamic I have taken two Western cultural entities, the East Anglian village of Flixton and the farm of Rhos Llawr Crwt in West Wales.  I came to know these places through a series of random geographical collisions in my work as an applied ecologist.  To me they present examples of what is called ‘third space’. These are spaces where two or more cultures have and are interacting with the production of place through a blending of historicality with sociality. They show that the study of ‘third space’ has to involve the perception of place, time, habitancy and ecological development as equal participants in the ecology of human existence.  Third space is produced by the incorporation of spatial awareness into social processes based on a deep cultural understanding that we are one among many species. It is a space for the imagination to link humanity across generational and temporal boundaries. 

Space is understood as ‘a creation’, ‘a site of production’ and ‘a site to be experienced and consumed’.  In order to define a space, first we locate objects; we relate them to other objects and make spatial patterns; then we see how the objects and relationships are established by social processes to become part of a local culture.  Finally, spaces become hybrids when it is realised that they are subject to contestation from different groups who want to redefine the meaning and boundaries. This blending occurs through socio-ecological management by people investing a place with social and spiritual power.  In so doing they produce a ‘cultural map of meaning’.  Such luminal islands of the spirit are used to make sense of the local environment in which natives and visitors are immersed practically and notionally. At any time, the primary factor changing a cultural map to deepen the spatiality of human life is the input of money beyond that which can be generated from the land itself.  In the simplest possible terms, money is anything that can be exchanged for goods and services.

We cannot help making each place we encounter distinctive.   Its part of our genetic endowment to embed ourselves in our immediate surroundings, often imposing idiosyncratic romantic and literary clichés on spaces with no claims to accuracy.   It is this evolved property of humankind that impels us endow every being and every place with a particular spirit, known from ancient times as a ‘genius loci’.  We cannot help giving beings and places a unique character.  These personal endowments, together with all other personal choices we make contribute to what has been defined as an individual’s ‘existential essence’.  Existential philosophy is interested in how human beings live, and make sense of where they live given the limitations of what it is to be human.

Flixton

US Airforce personnel* at Flixton Hall circa 1943

 US Airmen at Flixton Hall

The above snapshot was taken by one of a group of off-duty American airmen stationed at an airfield constructed in the village of Flixton at the outbreak of World War 2.  They are posed in the deer park against a northern portion of the garden wall surrounding Flixton Hall.  In this position they are situated at one of the many social boundaries of the village, which gave everyone living in Flixton at that time, their human identity. Until the coming of the military, the population of Flixton, since records began, had remained stable at around 100 individuals.  The operation of the airfield increased its populace about thirty-fold.  The base was a temporary addition, which emptied after the War when the village returned to its pre-war size.  It was not until the 1960s that plans were imposed by the local authority to deliberately increase the housing stock to make space for incomers arising from an increase in the UK population. 

Sand and gravel to build the airfield was excavated from valley pastoral lands and this industrial activity continues to this day.  The current operations and the old abandoned flooded workings have created a new barren and derelict landscape of sand, gravel, flints and water along the northern boundary of the village with the River Waveney. Attempts are being made to beautify this legacy of wartime expediency through planting hedgerows.  These boundary features delineate a new space within the village but from which people are excluded. Although the airfield was vacated in 1956 the concrete runways and military infrastructure remained and attracted some new commercial investment and activities with jobs which employ people who live outside the village. 

The Second World War was therefore a turning point in compartmentation of the village.  Before the upheaval brought by the airfield. Flixton as a place was rooted and bounded by physical features of hill and water. It had a fixed set of economic and social characteristics that had equilibrated with the fortunes of the dominant landowning family, the Adairs.  As a third space its internal social skeleton was visible in the footpaths, roads, ponds, moats, woods, field boundaries, gates, farmsteads, and houses, all interwoven with the continuous metal fence of its large deer park.  The latter was a statement of the Adair’s economic and political power, which had lasted for over three hundred years.  During the Adair’s time and well before, Flixton’s social hierarchy was a steady state; a dynamic equilibrium where families came and went but the village was in thrall to a top-weighted manorial system.  At first the peak was represented by St Felix and his ecclesiastical mission to Christianise the pagan Angles, then there was the prioress of the local Augustinian nunnery.   The Tasburgh family acquired their power base by taking over the rights, privileges and properties of the nuns. 

In this long run of historicality the Adairs were the last to assume overlordship of the village.  Somewhere along this time line of sociality the common rights of the villagers were extinguished and tenant farms created, so shifting the third space duality of ‘observable’ to ‘hidden’, as the affairs of the village retreated into numerous spaces of private property.  This process was accelerated after the War by the breakup of the Adair’s vast estate to pay inheritance tax.  The neglected woods are currently the assets of distant bankers and the old deer pasture is a grass monoculture supporting an intensive dairy unit. Mechanisation of farming removed communal figures from the fields and the church lost its role as a social focus.  Now the parkland, which was one huge no-go area for the villagers, has been fragmented into numerous private places as barns and their outbuildings have been converted into middle-class homes. Society has become steadily more privatised with cars, computers, and shopping centres, so extinguishing the public component of village life.

 Flixton Hall today

arches_flixton.jpg

Flixton Hall has a long history as a complex space given ideological meaning by male dominance in rural architectural form-making.  Since the 1950s it has been a forlorn ruin awaiting redevelopment.  Like all ruins, the few remains of carved stone, cracked floor tiles and cow-grazed curves of the ornamental garden are redolent of the dualities of past and present, growth and decay, myth and history.  They evoke deep emotional, philosophical, and literary responses against which modernity can be measured. In this respect, the Hall’s monumentality is key to Flixton as a third space because it immediately affects our notions of place, of self and the need to ensure ruins are kept ‘alive’.  Flixton Hall in the 18th century was at the forefront of expressing the English country house concept of ‘the picturesque’.  Its ruination reminds us that reason kills everything, that place and space are both social constructs which are culturally mediated and intermeshed.    The exclusion of ‘felt life’, by which we evaluate the spirit of place, strips away mystery, religion and even art.  Nowhere is this more evident that in one of Flixton’s latest social constructs, its aviation museum.  This is a thriving enterprise with free entry, supported by volunteers who come regularly from far and wide.  The annual visitor numbers are in the tens of thousands.  It is both a technical history of aviation and a memorial to those who flew the bombing missions from East Anglia’s military bases in World War 2.  To understand Flixton’s symbolic role in this conflict one has to walk from the museum in the valley to a flat treeless hilltop above the village; to a luminal island of the spirit where the old runways are lost to view each year in acres of vigorous crops of cereals.  Walking allows new spaces to be discovered, which are physical, in this case a concrete runway, and which are also epistemological, an understanding of the runway and the personal meaning it holds. A narrative with transcendental overtones emerges that might not have been uncovered in a stationary investigation. It is from the undistinguished hill top, in the space of three years, that hundreds of men took to the air with their deadly cargoes never to return.  This spot becomes a third space and is yet another reminder that we unthinkingly accept the premise that because of globalisation, all places are becoming the same, rather than assuming that all places are different.  

Rhos Llawr Cwrt 

Rhos Llawr Cwrt can be accurately described as an absolute distinct physical reality. Its topography can be traced back ten thousand years or more to when the Welsh ice sheet melted revealing the outcomes of climate change in a complex surface of permafrost depressions and moraine ridges. As a geographical space it consists of 25 ha of  wet, unimproved grassland, which goes under the generic name of ‘rhos pastures’.  This habitat is the outcome of a regional combination of high rainfall, thin soils, glacial topography and history of subsistence livestock-farming and was once abundant in the Ceredigion hills of West Wales. As the crow flies, the reserve is only about 10km from Cardigan Bay. The land rises steeply from the sea, and the dough-like folds of the hills, cut by the occasional ice-gouged valley, form an amphitheatre to the north and west.. The land which rises at the south-western end of the reserve is now bright green with improved grass swards, but it once belonged to the farm as seminatural rhos pasture.  

Rhos pasture below improved hill grazing

rhos_lawr.jpg

The reserve was singled out as a special place when it was notified as an SSSI in 1979 and declared a National Nature Reserve in 1986, Wales’ only grassland ecological treasure. Owned and managed by the Countryside Council for Wales, it is also the site of one of the most exciting experiments in habitat restoration in Wales, which has the aim of converting the surrounding 25 ha of semi-improved rushy grassland back to rhos pasture. Because of its carefully researched action plan the site is used widely for training conservation managers. It is a candidate Special Area of Conservation, designated under the EU Habitats Directive for its populations of Marsh Fritillary and Slender Green Feather-moss.  At the time of its discovery by a roving scientist it was a rare wildlife habitat, part of a 230 acre farm called Llawrcwrt.  Since 1983 it has been subjected to scientific study.  Now, with its huge population of butterflies Rhos Llawr Cwrt is a small ecological island and a superlative example of the biodiversity that subsistence farmers could produce without actually knowing it! The nature reserve, with its tracts of butterfly- and flower-rich wet meadows, and the evidence of glacial activity, feels timeless and ancient. With foreground of ancient banks and woods, the approaches to Llawrcwrt Farm yield only glimpses of the humps and bumps of the glacial landscape through which you are passing. Arrival at the farm itself is a moment to savour. Ancient stone built buildings, straddle a small rise in the valley floor.  This is where two cultures, the old self-sufficent family hill farm and the modern government-backed national conservation agency; the farmers and the applied ecologists, meet and blend.  History and natural history are deeply entwined at Rhos Llawr Cwrt. However, one glance at the surrounding hills destroys this sense of an unchanged landscape. They are bright green, gashed with plough lines and fences of intensive pastoral farming. The space of Rhos Llawr Cwrt reserve probes the hill in a tongue of textured browns and greens, an indication of what the surrounding hills would once have been like.   In theory, an understanding of ecology can help the historian to read the management history of a site like the pages of a book. Similarly, knowledge of a site’s management history can explain its ecology. The theory usually breaks down in practice, partly from a lack of information, and the need for interdisciplinary skills that can put history and ecology together, but also because the 20th century has so comprehensively torn and scribbled all over the pages of ecological information which plant and animal communities represent.   First mentioned in 1214 in a charter granted to the Cistercian monks of Whitland by King John, Llawrcwrt combines the word ‘court’, which was often attached to monastic lands, and ‘Llawr’, meaning ‘floor’, or in this case the flat valley bottom. Although the fortunes of the monks declined, the foundations of the 13th century farm economy, based on sheep and cattle, have remained to this day. The human population was almost completely dependent on farming, and on the natural resources available to them in the immediate area. Brown trout  and even the odd Atlantic salmon could be caught in the streams; wood provided furniture, fuel and footwear (clog-making was an important local industry); and rushes were gathered for bedding, to make ropes and for rush lights. Until the 19th century, much of the Clettwr valley and its surrounding hills was unenclosed. The reserve occupies what was originally the large ‘unenclosed’ part of the farm, although even this has been split into smaller compartments in recent times.  The pattern of farms and smallholdings, dotted along and above the valley and circled by small fields, has not changed all that much. However, the boundaries and methods of farming adapted to them have completely changed.  The first Ordnance Survey map of 1834 shows a great sweep of land to the east and west of the Clettwr valley free from roads, with only farm tracks for access. The track to Llawrcwrt also gave access to two further farms. These and other neighbouring farms appear on the 1844 tithe map in the midst of clusters of small, inbye fields, the boundaries of which have long since disappeared. These were mostly on gravel out-washes or had field drains, so they could be ploughed to grow ‘black oats’, barley and potatoes, or they were cut for hay or kept for lambing and calving. Surrounding these farms were large, unfenced areas, with tapers of land connecting these ‘wastes’ with the farms. These areas are now all fenced, drained and ploughed. Level land was ‘improved’ first, but much of the steeper, hilly land was not ploughed until as recently as the 1970s. Local people well remember the heathery hills, coconut-scented with the bright yellow blooms of gorse. Unless you take an imaginative leap back in time, and capture some sense of what life was like on farms like Llawrcwrt, it is hard to appreciate why the reserve is as it is. There were many people living off the land a century or more ago. Peat-cutting shaped the reserve in a direct, physical way. It continued on a part of the reserve known as Gors Las, or the ‘green bog’, as late as 1950. The peat here is many feet thick. Dragonflies circle the peaty pools where it was last cut, and here Crowberry is at the most southern edge of its range in Wales, a natural biological monitor of climate change.  The land around Llawrcwrt represents the last vestige of this ancient farming pattern. Most of the present field boundaries can be seen on the 1844 tithe map and also on the plan prepared for the sale of Llawrcwrt in 1875, when the farm and 285 acres were sold as one lot. The 1881 census shows 21 people living at the farm or other cottages, mostly described as labourers or farm servants.  

Historically, rhos pastures were grazed by livestock, and this has been central to conserving the habitat that we value today. Conservation management at Rhos Llawr Cwrt is based on a controlled grazing regime using cattle during the spring and summer. The grazing programme is designed to maintain the marshy grassland, wet-heath, neutral-grassland and mire communities that are present as a fine-scale mosaic over the majority of the site; this also maintains the habitat in the condition required by the Marsh Fritillary butterfly. The conservation and the livestock production objectives for vegetation structure are the same.  The target is best described as a patchwork of tall, often tussocky, grasses and rushes with a moderate amount of litter and areas of short turf with little or no litter. The foodplant of the butterfly, Devil’s-bit Scabious, will thrive in these conditions, in its prostrate form. The stock keeper does not have to monitor the visual outcome by counting species or measuring the average gap between tussocks; the pattern of vegetation either looks right or wrong.  Stocking rates to achieve this structure are normally within the recommended range of 0.3-0.5 livestock units per ha per annum, but it is sometimes necessary to raise or lower the level of grazing. The main reason for this dynamic is variation in the weather. A warm, wet summer will result in greater biomass production in the sward, necessitating higher stocking rates to achieve the required structure. The reverse is, of course, true for a cold, dry summer.  The stock keeper is an artist and the glacial topography of Rhos Lawr Cwrt is his studio. Currently, the majority of the grazing stock are Welsh Black cattle belonging to an adjacent farm.   The availability of farm-owned stock for grazing on what is in agricultural terms ‘poor-quality’ grassland is uncertain in the long term.    Stocking rates used on the reserve are too low to prevent scrub development, particularly of Common Gorse Ulex europaeus and Grey Willow Salix cinerea.  These are controlled by periodic cutting and use of selective herbicides. This raises the paradox of livestock management to maintain and extend the biodiversity of rhos pasture in that it partially follows the chemical path of extensive farming.  Nevertheless, walking through Rhos Lawr Crwt is to make contact with a living textured and coloured space that has not changed in centuries.

Like viewing an abstract work of art or a ruined monument the visual experience involves a spatial emotion of a ‘felt life’.  In this context, it is profitable to use synonyms with subjective attributes to describe the experience of depth as a penetration into layers of things more distant.  When we wish to express the experience of intensity of feeling for instance, we say ‘depth of feeling’ or ‘penetration into knowledge’ or ‘having a revelation’.  The mind is bringing a mental state of contemplation out of the depths of a partially seen phenomenon into a frontal understanding. The rhos pasture thus becomes a portrait of an idea. In contemporary parlance people increasingly speak of spirituality rather than religion when trying to express what moves them most deeply; and many consider the two to be distinctly different. Most of the characteristics associated with religion, however, are found whether people consider themselves spiritual or religious. Therefore, there is little analytical reason to assume these are different kinds of social phenomena. The two ways of forming a sense of  place can certainly come together when viewing rhos pasture.  It is important, however, to understand what most see the distinction to entail, especially because the term spirituality is more often than the term religion associated with nature and nature-loving.  Spirituality is often thought to be about personal growth and gaining a proper understanding of one’s place in the cosmos, and to be intertwined with environmentalist concern and action.  This contrasts markedly with the world’s predominant religions, which are generally concerned with escaping this world or obtaining divine rescue from it to enter a space that is out of this world. At Lawrcwrt the outcome resulting from a blending of management with ecology is raised to the same cultural level of intensity and emotion as music and poetry.   Walking through Flixton or Rhos Lawr Cwrt at the interface of ecology and culture we can let the unseen and the external govern our enthusiasm for the phenomenal and passing.  This perspective crosses continents and ethnicity.  The Indian poet and dramatist Rabindranath Tagore expressed this awareness of another way of thinking when raw logic fails in a word picture of his place in the streaming cosmic life process of his Bengali homeland.   

“No one realises that in his blood the waves of thy sea dance, the forest-restlessness trembles.  This thought fills my mind today, that I have come, from age to age dropping silently from form to form, from life to life.  I have come, using up in gift after gift, in song after song, whatever my hand has gained in night and morning”.

So we go our ways, drawn

“to the great stream, from the tumult of the past which lies behind, to the bottomless dark, to the shoreless light!

 Without this transcendent mode of cultural ecology we shall find ourselves unable sooner or later to make any sense of the full range of human self-awareness.  This was an important standpoint of the author, John Steinbeck.   To see nature with great clarity was important to Steinbeck. To see beyond the physical to an underlying cultural pattern and larger significance was equally essential. He wrote this in 1948: “There are good things to see in the tidepools and there are exciting and interesting thoughts to be generated from the seeing. Every new eye applied to the peep hole which looks out at the world may fish in some new beauty and some new pattern, and the world of the human mind must be enriched by such fishing”. (“Preface ,Between Pacific Tides) 

Steinbeck, in Sea of Cortez, asks his readers to shift perspective because Nature yields more than simple beauty.

 “[A] man looking at reality brings his own limitations to the world, if he has strength and energy of mind the tide pool stretches both ways, digs back to electrons and leaps space into the universe and fights out of the moment into non-conceptual time. Then ecology has a synonym which is ALL”.  

References and Acknowledgements

 *Men of Ordnance Section of the 705th Squadron, 446th Bomb Group.  Left to right: top row – Phil Schenker, Fred Mahnken, Leonard Mayer; bottom row Vincent DeAngeles, Alex Cote (Suffolk RO)

Reserve Focus: Rhos LLawr Cwrt (2002) James Robertson & David Wheeler, British Wildlife 13, 171-176

www.nineparishes.wikispaces.com

Google maps

Flixton: http://www.communitywalk.com/flixton/map/524506

Rhos Llawr Cwrt: http://www.communitywalk.com/map/index/533452

Mindmapping landscape

Tuesday, May 11th, 2010

Lying there on the drifted sand, under the white stars, I thought about how the vision of wildness with which I had begun my journeys -inhuman, northern, remote – was starting to crumble from contact with the ground itself. No such chaste land exists in Britain or Ireland, and no such myth of purity can hold. Thousands of years of human living and dying have destroyed the possibility of the pristine wild. Every islet and mountain-top, every secret valley or woodland, has been visited, dwelled in, worked, or marked at some point in the past five millennia. The human and the wild cannot be partitioned.  Robert McFarlane, 2007  

An Anglo Indian Perspective 

The rise of the English novel during the 18th century coincided with a growing pride in the landscape of Britain. As novels portrayed rural society in its environment, so maps and topographical views delineated the grandeur of Nature and the man-made elegance of new urban streets and squares. Town and country often provide the travelling backdrop to novels and poems, sometimes exerting such a strong presence they seem to become players in the plot.  Poets in particular were inclined to idealize nature, and their treatment of it in poetry was often symbolic and literary.  Keats’ nightingale was a creature of the imagination, Greek myth, and poetic tradition, not of observation.  From this point of view, the question is to what extent a person’s response to landscape is conditioned by education or environment.  This was an issue explored by Edward Thompson writing about the Europeanised Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore who spent fourteen months in England at the age of sixteen, staying in Brighton and London. Thompson contrasted the impact of the two environments of England and India as follows. 

“His father brought him for a short stay at Bolpur. This Bengal is a dry uplifted country. The villages are scattered, and there are great spaces of jungle. The landscape of the jungle is of quiet loveliness, such as wins a man slowly yet for ever. At first sight it is disappointing. There are few great trees, and absolutely nothing of the savage luxuriance of a Burmese rattan-chained sky-towering forest or of the ever-climbing dripping might of Himalayan woods; the one good timber tree, the sal, is polled and cut away by the people for fuel. The mass of the jungle is a shrub, rarely ten feet high, called kurchi; bright green, with milky juice and sweet white flowers. Intermixed with this are thorns; zizyphst and pink-blossomed mimosas. The soil is poor and hard. Where there is a tank, you have a tall simul (silk-cotton tree), lifting in spring a scarlet head of trumpet-shaped flowers; or a wild mango. Often the soil cracks into nullas, fringed with crackling zizyph, the wild plum, or crowded with palas trees. These last, and simul, furnish in spring the only masses of wild flowers. Palas flowers before the leaves come; twisted ungainly trees, holding up walls of leguminous, red flowers, which the Emperor Jahangir thought ‘so beautiful that one cannot take one’s eyes off them’. After these, before the spring quite shrivels in the summer heats, nim and sal blossom; but their flowers, though exquisitely scented, make no show, being pale green-white and very small. 

But the jungle has a peaceful charm, which even the great forests cannot surpass. At evening, seek out one of the rare groves of tall trees-possibly preserved as a sacred grove, and with multitudes of crude clay horses round their bases, that the thakur may ride abroad-or plunge deep into the whispering wilderness. Wait as the sun sinks, as the leaves awaken. Through the trees you see the evening quietness touching all life. You are not alone, for many scores of eyes are watching you; but of them you catch no glimpse, unless a jackal slinks by or a tiny flock of screaming parrots races overhead. In the distance, the cattle are coming back to the village, the buffaloes are lazily and unwillingly climbing out of the tank. It is ‘cow-dust,the Greek ox-loosing time’. 

Loken Palit’-told me that what he missed, on return from England to India, was our profusion; our hedges crammed with shining beauty, our glades and meadows ; after blackthorn, the ponds netted with crowfoot, the water-violets and kingcups and lady-smocks, the riot of gorse and may and wild rose, avenues of chestnut, the undergrowth of stitchworts, the sheets of primroses, violets, anemones, cowslips and bluebells ; and, when summer is ending, heaths and heather and bramble-roses pleached deep’. Rabindranath himself has spoken to me of this variety in landscape, and also of the beauty of autumn foliage in England”. 

With a mindset in the English countryside, Tagore was influenced to express his feelings about landscape by the poetry of Keats.  Keats is one of the greatest admirers of the sensuality of nature. In his poetry, we come across exquisitely beautiful descriptions of the wonder, sights and senses of nature. He looks with child-like delight at the small elements of English landscape and his whole being is thrilled by what he sees and hears. Everything in the outdoors is for him full of wonder and mystery – the rising sun, the moving cloud, the growing bud and the swimming fish. 

However, in the slow changing Ganges Valley there is a lack of variety that does not speak to English minds.  At the age of 30, Tagore undertook the management of his father’s country estates in the Bengal Ganges landscape, a place of vast flow-moving rivers, great reed beds and mud-banks where the population is almost amphibious. Plying his houseboat up and down the broad reaches of a tributary of the great mother river, living among the rural poor, he grew acutely sensitive to their hardships in the face of an uncompromising nature of their natural surroundings.  

“Why is there such a deep note of mourning in the fields, ghats, sky and sunshine of our country? I think perhaps the reason is that nature is constantly before our eyes. The wide open sky, flat and endless land, shimmering sunshine-and in the midst of this men come and go, crossing to and fro like a ferryboat. The little noises that they make, the ups and downs of their happy or sad efforts, seem in the context of this endlessly reaching, huge, aloof nature so small, so fleeting, so futile and full of suffering. We feel in nature’s effortless stillness and serenity a vast, beautiful, undistorted generous peace; and compared to that, such an agonised, tormented, petty, unstable lack of peace inside ourselves, that when we look at the distant blue line of the shady woods on the river bank, we are strangely unsettled.”  

For many, the world of matter and nature, conceived as a created whole, is the best, clearest and most universal evidence for the knowledge of creation. In India, Tagore wrote, “circumstances almost compel us to learn English, and this lucky accident has given us the opportunity of access into the richest of all poetical literatures of the world.”  He made an appraisal of Western culture in an open-minded way in order to see what uses could be made of it in a Bengali environment. 

Leave this chanting and singing and telling of beads!

Whom dost thou worship in this lonely dark corner of a temple with doors all shut?

Open thine eyes and see thy God is not before thee!

He is there where the tiller is tilling the hard ground and where the pathmaker is breaking stones.

He is with them in sun and in shower, and his garment is covered with dust.  

Landscape and culture 

The vastness of the Ganges river system is resilient to human intervention.  But how a society shapes its physical environment is a fundamental reflection of its culture.  In this respect Tagore’s writings remind us that now, most of Earth’s terrestrial surface is a patchwork of cultural landscapes and as such has to be managed as a human resource according to the principles that define human cultural ecology. Landscape comprises the visible features of a field of view.  These include the physical elements of landforms, water bodies such as rivers, lakes and the sea, living elements of land-cover, particularly the indigenous vegetation, human elements expressed in land uses, buildings and infrastructures, together with the visible impact of climatic elements such as sun, wind and rain. The key ecological parameters which determine the landscape character of a particular view are the number of its human inhabitants, their demands on the local natural resources and the amount of resources that have to be imported, over and above local productivity, to sustain the population. At a global level, the conservatively calculated Ecological Footprint Indicator suggests that the Earth can sustain about 2.1 billion high-income individuals (one third of the present population) or 6.2 billion middle-income individuals or 13.6 billion low-income individuals.  This assumes all of Earth’s biocapacity is used for humans. No matter what the size of the population, an increasingly important feature of human well-being is the quality of the landscape and its definition within an area small enough to give people a feeling of belonging to a ‘neighbourhood’. 

Landscape’ as neighbourhood, defines the human visual response to a locality in terms of its physical origins and the cultural overlay of human presence, often created over millennia.  It reflects the living synthesis of people and place vital to local identity. Through their perceived character and quality landscapes help define the self-image of individuals and groups.  It is this local sense of place that differentiates an area from other areas and is the dynamic backdrop to people’s lives. 

Idiosyncratic responses to places are one of the most common human emotional experiences.  However, the complex of biological, cultural and psychological reasons that shape our feelings toward landscape are rarely explored to establish why, as individuals, we like or dislike particular scenes.  Historically, landscape quality assessment has been approached on the basis of two contrasting models.  One regards quality as inherent in the physical landscape. The other regards quality as a product of the mind; the eye of the beholder. These are termed, respectively, the objectivist and subjectivist models.  

All measures of quality rest on the definition of beauty. Such definitions are local cultural conventions resulting from the pattern-seeking/forming behaviours which have evolved in human primates to remember and understand the environment. They involve making sense of repetitive elements received through eyes and ears.  In music, they are repeated sequences of notes and in environmental scenes are taken in as repeated patterns of form.  Both responses have to be within the limitations in what the human brain can handle. To fully appreciate these rhythms in music we have to move from hearing them to listening to them.  In the environment we have to move from seeing them to visualising them.  Through listening and visualising we gain emotional and spiritual understanding.   

These beauty-paradigms underlie surveys of the physical landscape and its human structures.  Studies of observer preferences are expressed in generally agreed designations, such as ‘degraded landscapes’, ‘world heritage sites’, ‘wilderness’, ‘nature reserves’ and ‘areas of outstanding natural beauty’. 

Examination of these paradigms through the approaches taken by philosophers from Plato to modern times demonstrates their ubiquity underlying a person’s perception of his/her surroundings. Until recent centuries, the objectivist paradigm provided philosophers with the basis for understanding beauty, including landscape beauty. However, Locke, Hume, Burke and particularly Immanuel Kant identified beauty as lying in the eyes of the beholder rather than in the intrinsic properties of the object. Most philosophers over recent centuries have adopted the subjectivist view of aesthetics in researching landscape beauty. As Simon Schama puts it in his monumental Landscape and Memory, “it is culture, convention and cognition…that invests a retinal impression with the quality we experience as beauty”. Beauty in this context seems to be best defined as the quality of something that has been given a new meaning, which transcends its primary form or purpose. 

Regarding the subjectivist view, Steven C. Bourassa has attempted to resolve the conflict between biological and cultural explanations of aesthetic behaviour by combining the biological, cultural, and personal bases for aesthetics in a comprehensive paradigm. This paradigm is based on Vygotsky’s developmental approach to understanding the human mind and its behavioural expressions. Vygotsky identifies three fundamental processes of development: phylogenesis (biological evolution), sociogenesis (cultural history), and ontogenesis (individual development). These in turn correspond to three modes of aesthetic experience: biological, cultural, and personal. Bourassa concludes that each mode has distinct qualities that justify its separate inclusion within a subjectivist paradigm of environmental aesthetics.   

Environmental aesthetics was comprehensively developed in the second half of the twentieth century. However, it has roots in earlier 18th century traditions concerning the aesthetic experience of nature together with notions such as the ‘sublime’ and the ‘picturesque’ qualities of scenery.  It led to landscape gardening/design as a profession.  This movement reached a climax at the end of that century when its practical objectives were mostly defined through the philosophy of art.  

From the twentieth century, development of environmental aesthetics virtually began anew. On the one hand, the landscape gardening movement was strongly influenced by the focus on aesthetics of art.  But it was also bound up with growing public concern for the aesthetic quality of the real green environment. Both factors helped, first, to broaden the scope of environmental aesthetics beyond that of earlier picture-aesthetics, particularly regarding public concern for the state of the environment.  The latter was not simply about preserving natural scenery, but also about the aesthetic condition of the everyday human environment and the practical needs to preserve outstanding natural beauty and beautify degraded landscapes. Thereby, the central modernist philosophical issue of producing a comprehensive ‘environmental aesthetics’ was the contrast between the quality of the everyday environment and the cannon of beauty expressed in landscape paintings.  Beauty in landscape painting was for the most part associated with the depiction of a rural environment characterised by a great richness of elements, which were small, natural, or embedded in nature.  They were perceived by people as a comprehensive whole.  Urban dwellers who compare today’s rural environment with that of pre-modern and early modern time, see that their surroundings have not only lost their wealth of elements but also their sense of unity which gave form to that variety.   

This loss is not only perceived visually when travelling or on holiday, but also through the contemplation of maps, which play a critical role in supporting the visualisation of landscape.  Indeed, in recent years it has become widely recognized that the visualisation of aesthetic information is critical in the domain of cartography, where there has been a long-standing interest in issues of communication effectiveness. In a practical sense, by incorporating cartographic aesthetics with landscape aesthetics, the cartographic design process can be strengthened and effective tourist maps can be generated. At this cultural junction of environment with mapping, asethetic visualisation of the countryside may be described as a mental process in the minds of urban dwellers, facilitated by maps. Cartography also alerts us to beauty in the urban setting, where it is difficult to gain an overview from street level.

With regards urbanisation, by the end of the nineteenth century the functional and aesthetic failings of the large-sized industrial city had been recognised.  In the United States, for instance, the ‘City Beautiful Movement’ from the early-1890s until the 1920s sought to create modern beauty in the urban environment, frequently through the use of architectural principles like proportion, symmetry and scale in large-sized Classically-styled buildings and civic center schemes. 

Although these projects were driven by the injection into the planning process of 18th century aesthetics of grassy spaces, tree-line avenues and classical architecture, it is now evident that there is a significant health benefit associated with urban beautification.  For example, city dwellers living near parks are healthier and suffer fewer bouts of depression.  When socio-economic background is taken into account it is found that this effect of green surroundings is greatest for people with low levels of education and income. One recent study showed that in urban zones where 90 per cent of the area is green space the incidence of anxiety disorders or depression in this group was 18 people per thousand. In areas with only 10 per cent greenery the incidence was 26 per thousand. 

These beauty paradigms may be assemble as a mindmap, which encompasses human evolution in relation to the use of landscape as a resource.  This map is a subset of cultural ecology and may be used to make analytical bridges between the key topics.   

Mindmap of landscape and culture 

Mindmap of landscape and culture

http://cercles.com/n19/morley.pdf 

http://www.isprs.org/proceedings/XXXVII/congress/4_pdf/104.pdf 

http://managing-natural-beauty.wikispaces.com/

Models of culture with ecology

Friday, March 26th, 2010

  

 People and environment

Our attitude towards nature starts with our ego. How do we treat ourselves? Do we experience our reality in a physically and spiritually harmonious way? Can we still identify with our surroundings or even ourselves? In the process of alienation from nature we became increasingly aware of having lost our original relationship with nature long ago. This loss is not limited to an environmental-ecological dimension. It is a comprehensive social, biological and intellectual relational loss … [coinciding with] the feeling of a comprehensive loss of individual nature within a self-made environment which feels increasingly foreign. (Heike Strelow, in the catalogue for Natural Reality, 1999, p. 45).  

‘Culture’ and ‘The Environment’ have a long and complex relationship. Conceptually, culture is often set up in opposition to nature as a civilising influence that tames the wild. Cultural objects and artefacts explore and revere the beauty and mysterious majesty of landscape and seasons.  Cultural media, in the forms of poetry, paintings, architecture and song, are used to explore and respond to the natural environment. Culture frames how we understand nature and mediates our interactions with the environment. Therefore, people do not really react to ecology according to abstract concepts and scientific data, but to traditions, experience and shared values. For example, most Germans understand weather extremes as evidence of catastrophe and impending, self-inflicted ecological disaster. Most Americans also know these extremes but are willing to chance them as existential risks. In terms of importance, 43% of Americans think the issue is not too important, or not important all, with 38% saying it is somewhat important. But these different attitudes of Germans and Americans have little to do with superior morality or rationality between nations, but with deeply held—but very different—cultural values and orientations.

 ‘Culture’ was defined by UNESCO in 1982 as being ‘the way we live together’.  It includes every ingredient that makes up society, including the arts, sciences, heritage, sport, education, local governance and faith traditions. Literally, in this context, culture may be an important site of global inaction or transformation. Indeed, the ‘Outcomes’ statement of the 2009 Copenhagen Culture/Future conference saw those working in the cultural sector as ‘catalysts’, seeking to introduce ideas and values for societal change by: 

 ’sensing, translating, interpreting and narrating messages; creating and interpreting spaces and infrastructure for open dialogue, reflection, enjoyment and life; invite counter-narratives and imaginaries and by bridging between the local and the global, and between intimacy and outlook’.    

Thus, in relation to behavioural change required to cope with global warming, novel cultural ideas and values should be directed towards a new level of well-being that still makes us satisfied human beings.  From this point of view, culture as a noun is a collective defined by set of attitudes beliefs mores, customs values and practices common to or shared through a group.  It is how collectively the group differentiates itself from other groups and in particular how it values natural resources that maintain its chosen, or imposed, lifestyle. Culture is also expressed as an adjective.  In this context it defines activities and products associated with creative people who use intellectual moral and artistic skills to solve problems that beset their well-being. Cultural ecology can therefore be understood as ‘accountability’ aimed at balancing the use of cultural capital with availability of natural capital.  It is a broad interdisciplinary aspect of applied ecology in the sense of humanity ‘being accountable’  for conserving Earth’s resources, with a liability to be called on to render an account; and the obligation to bear the consequences for failure to perform as expected.  As a subject, cultural ecology imparts accountableness for maintaining natural capital to support the flows of human, social, manufactured and financial capitals (Fig 1). 

 Fig 1 Economic model of natural economy

Fig 1
 

 Every society has a culturally unique way of thinking about the world that unites people in their behaviours and attitudes. Widely held cultural values are powerful tools for conserving the environment.  Any study of native peoples demonstrates how ‘cultural wisdom’ from time immemorial has been used to protect the local environment for the welbeing of those who depend upon it for material and spiritual goods. Such ecological commitment is affected by cultural elements including beliefs, religion and taboos which are the result of social evolution.  The cultural dimension of adapting to environmental issues has always been a strong pillar of the environmental management debate for sustainable development.  Robert Palmer of the Council of Europe says that when examining climate change through a ‘cultural lens’, rather than through separate environmental, economic, social or political lenses, the following broader questions come to mind. 

  • How do values, including non-material values, affect decisions and actions about climate change?
  • What role does culture play in strategies for adapting to climate change, and in overcoming barriers to change?
  • How might climate change impact on aspects of cultural rights within the debate of the impact of climate change on broader human rights issues?
  • What do the irreversible losses of cultural and natural heritage caused by climate change mean to societies?
  • How does the impact of climate change on the culture of a society differ from other impacts and changes (technological, demographic, social)?
  • What can cultural practitioners, such as artists, designers and architects, contribute to the search for creative solutions to the negative impacts of climate change?
  • Can art offer a way of communicating more powerfully the effects of climate change, and is the role of art and artists wider than communication?
  • What might alliances between scientists, political leaders, economists and artists achieve that none of these groups would be able to achieve individually?
  • What are the opportunities for working across the boundaries of culture, education, identity and geography to create alliances and collaborations?

 These questions define the issues of environmentalism. 

Sustainability 

Cultural ecology therefore carries the primary interdiciplinary components of sustainability.  It is formally defined as a pattern of shared basic assumptions that a group learned as it solved its problems of external adaptation and internal integration necessary to achieve social well-being as a shared value.  That is to say, assumptions about nature have worked well enough to be considered valid and, therefore, to be taught to new members as the correct way to perceive, think, and feel in relation to environmental problems.  In this highly practical sense, cultural ecology is defined as environmental knowledge embedded in language, values, customs, and material objects that is passed from person to person and from one generation to the next in a human group or society.   The other ancillary component of sustainability is social structure. Social structure is defined as the complex of practices within society associated with, status, roles, social groups and institutions.  Social structure emerges from cultural assumptions. A culture of sustainability therefore requires education to change values, customs and material objects with the aim of equilibrating demand on the environment with its ecological productivity.  From this point of view cultural ecology describes a management planning system that applies cultural values to control the outcomes of drivers for environmental change and ecosystem manipulation.  The main social drivers of environmental change are that the world population will rise to nine billion by the mid 21st century and carbon emissions will produce rising sea levels and increased air temperatures.  These social drivers will cause desertification and coastal erosion and so reduce the usable land  mass as the population is increasing, with global implications for maintenance of food production and availability of fresh water.  These changes are the new social imperatives for future cultural adaptations. 

Scientific consensus on global warming, together with the precautionary principle and fear of abrupt climate change, is leading to increased effort to develop new technologies and manage others in an attempt to mitigate global warming. Unfortunately most means of mitigation appear effective only for preventing further warming, not at reversing existing warming.  These include reducing demand for emissions-intensive goods and services, increasing efficiency gains, increasing use and development of low-carbon technologies, and reducing non-fossil fuel emissions.

 In terms of adopting the necessary new behaviour patterns mitigation is distinguished from adaptation.  The latter involves acting to minimize the effects of global warming.  Most often, mitigations involve reductions in the concentration of greenhouse gases, either by reducing their sources or by increasing their sinks.  With regards both mitigation and adaptation, cultural ecology, as a system, defines a feedback cycle by which the spheres of causation of climate change may be controlled by actions to offset catastrophic change (Fig 2). 

Fig 2 Elements of cultural ecology as a knowledge system for understanding mitigation of climate change within a sustainable and equitable development framework.

Fig2 
 

There is a growing consensus that any definition of sustainable development needs to centre on inter-relationships between environmental, economic and social factors. For example, it is argued that we cannot hope to separate our understanding of the environment from our social and economic interactions with it.  We need to abolish the artificial distinction between the environment on the one hand and economy/ society/community on the other. This ‘people-environment’ or ‘human-environment’ inter-relationship is frequently recognised as the crux of the subject.  However, in the framework of this interrelationship and particularly in relation to teaching and learning about sustainability, some geography educationalists have argued for greater consideration of social and political perspectives.   

To forge a notion of society that is useful for teaching sustainability, the world should be looked upon as a hybrid between the realm of culture, with its systems of meaning and communication, and the realm of the natural world defined by the science of ecology.  Based on such a notion of society, cultural ecology can be modelled as shown in Fig. 3, comprising a ‘‘natural’’ or ‘‘biophysical’’ sphere of causation governed by natural laws, and a ‘‘cultural’’ or ‘‘symbolic’’ sphere of economic causation maintained by symbolic communication. These two spheres overlap, constituting the ‘‘biophysical structures of society’’,  comprising a certain human population with its physical infrastructure, such as buildings, machines, artefacts in use, and animal livestock’’.  This model describes cultural ecology as a recurrent self-referential communication network linking all material components of society through substance and energy flows.   According to this concept, sustainability refers to the interaction process between nature and culture, which can only proceed indirectly, via the biophysical structures of society. This framework of material and energy flow accounting ( MEFA) is a tool to empirically analyse important aspects of this interaction process in a way that can link socioeconomic dynamics (e.g. monetary flows, lifestyles or time allocation) to biophysical socio-economic stocks and flows and these, in turn, to ecosystem processes.  
 

Fig 3 Framework of material and energy-flow accounting

Fig 3

Value models

 Human beings are innately spiritual creatures capable of, and drawn to, abstract thought. Spirituality, whether or not we belong to a religion, connotes for each of us a diverse, broad, and deep range of values beliefs and relationships that define our underlying sense of identity to ourselves, with others, with life, with the earth, with the universe, and with higher system of materials and energy.  The big questions are  ‘How do we define and embrace the ethical and spiritual dimensions of sustainability challenges?’ How can nature be valued for its intrinsic worth and given representation in decision-making processes? How can empathic values be embodied in evidence-based decision-making within complex social-ecological systems? Ecological wisdom encapsulates the diverse teachings and philosophies represented in numerous environmental movements. Central tenets include a recognised need to reduce the negative impact of human civilization on the natural environment, the biosphere, and the planet, and to find new, alternate ways to cohabitate harmoniously with earth’s other life forms. The principles endorsed go deeper than a mere superficial change in policy, suggesting a qualitative shift in ethical norms and prevalent paradigms.  But the precise character of views advocated range considerably over a spectrum of beliefs that include ecological utilitarianism on one side and ‘Deep Ecology’ on the other.  This range reflects different degrees of innate value ascribed to humanity and other parts and levels of the larger biosphere. 

There can be no doubt that the root causes of unsustainable development are prevailing values, and social (economic, political, cultural) arrangements. Modern beliefs and institutions mean that sustainability as social policy is generally so pervaded by instrumental rationality that it overlooks the above problems.  In particular, it precludes recognition of the diversity and complexity of meanings and values placed on nature and fails to question an attitude of mind that sanctions the continued exploitation and oppression of human and non-human nature. Rather than viewing sustainability as policy designed to achieve a certain state of affairs it should be considered as a frame of mind that involves respect for human and non-human nature seeking their own fulfilment through a process of co-evolution. People can encourage this with appropriate technology, such as tools, institutions and ideas, including institutions of governance and traditional knowledge.  They can also interact with spiritual or religious understandings to turn moral and ethical beliefs and practices into new cultural codes of conduct (Fig 4).  

Fig 4 Beliefs and knowledge applied to new codes of conduct. 

fig4.jpg  

Human values are a set of emotional rules people follow to help make the right decisions in life (Fig 5). When values are used in a professional setting, they are called ethics.  Values are used in every-day decision making at work and at home. Good values instill a sense of integrity, honesty, and diligence in people.  Values are an integral part of every culture. Along with beliefs and worldview assumptions, they generate behaviour. Being part of a culture that shares a common core set of values creates expectations and predictability without which a culture would disintegrate and its members would lose their personal identity and sense of worth. Values tell people what is good, beneficial, important, useful, beautiful, desirable, appropriate…etc. They answer the question of why people do what they do. Values help people solve common human problems for survival. Over time, they become the roots of traditions that groups of people find important in their day-to-day lives. Values can be positive or negative; some are destructive. To understand people of other cultures, we must come to understand the shared values, beliefs and assumptions that motivate their behaviour. The values identify those objects, conditions or characteristics that members of the society consider important; that is, valuable. In the United States, for example, values might include material comfort, wealth, competition, individualism or religiosity . The values of a society can often be identified by noting which people receive honour or respect.  

There is a difference between values clarification and cognitive moral education. Values clarification helps people clarify what their lives are for and what is worth working for. Students are encouraged to define their own values and understand others’ values.” Cognitive moral education is based on the belief that students should learn to value things like democracy and justice as their moral reasoning develops.”

 Values are related to the norms of a culture, but they are more general and abstract than norms. Norms are rules for behaviour in specific situations, while values identify what should be judged as good or evil. Flying the national flag on a holiday is a norm, but it reflects the value of patriotism. Wearing dark clothing and appearing solemn are normative behaviours at a funeral. They reflect the values of respect and support of friends and family. Different cultures reflect different values but members take part in a culture even if each member’s personal values do not entirely agree with some of the normative values sanctioned in the culture. This reflects an individual’s ability to synthesize and extract aspects valuable to them from the multiple subcultures they belong to.  Behaviour change to cope with sustainability, particularly in relation to its emphasis on treading gently on Earth and sharing limited resources with others requires education to maximise cultural values associated with ecological conservation and minimising values governing self-enhancement. 

Fig 5 Cultural values 

fig5.jpg

Managing resources 

” To achieve sustainable development and a higher quality of life for all people, states should reduce and eliminate unsustainable patterns of production and consumption…”  Principle 8, The Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, 1992

  In May 1997 the’Think Sangha’ Buddhist group met in the Hongen-ji Temple  Hakone, Japan, to discuss consumption and consumerism in the context of managing resources to improve livelihoods.  It defined consumerism as the dominant culture of a modernising invasive industrialism which stimulates, yet can never satisfy, the urge for a strong positive sense of self to overlay the angst and negative sense of lack in the human condition. As a result, goods, services, and experiences are consumed beyond any reasonable need. This undermines ecosystems, the quality of life and is particularly destructive to traditional cultures and communities and thwarts the possibility of spiritual liberation.   

The meeting also considered the key area of consumerism, which concerns its essential dynamic or the system by which it works. This is commodification, which understood more deeply is a process of alienation and disconnection from the traditional process of making and selling goods. The idea behind commodification is to intervene between humans and any aspect of our reality (like our work, products, needs, words, image, environment, etc.) in order to create a commercial product of that reality to be sold for profit. This is the way capitalism makes money. It does not so much create new services or products. Rather it seeks to enter all the possible connection points in an economic transaction in order to distort value into price for the sake of making a speculative (non- productive) profit. As a powerful social force, consumerism has transformed citizens into shoppers. Where Western shopping habits have been adopted by rapidly developing countries like Malaysia, they have spawned the concept of ‘cultural imperialism’, a state of beingness in which the culture of economically dominant Western countries has advanced to a stage of colonisation of the less powerful cultures.  The basic ‘weapon’ is investment power that mimics the invasive style of colonisation. Cultural imperialism is a more powerful consequence of colonisation than say, forced occupation, because it utilises a clever and systematic form of subjugation. Cultural imperialism works more effectively, subtly, and silently when it creates a sense of euphoria, elation, and excitement in the mind, body, and consciousness of those imprisoned by the desire ‘to shop till they drop’. These are the soothing effects of malls wherever they are. The mall provides the haven for this form of sophisticated imperialism, never more so than in the hot tropics where the air- conditioned shopping experience comes with inbuilt respite from a harsh climate. 

Fundamentally, shopping for mass-produced goods works through giving people “what they want,” as an integrated follow up to mass-advertising, which has told them what it is that they want. It treats choice as fundamentally a private matter, but by teasing out all the idiosyncratic “wants” that we all harbour as private consumers and creatures of personal desire, the outcomes are often irrational and unintended. More importantly the results rapidly produce a society we might not choose through careful deliberation. Such spur of the moment private choices, though technically “free,” are quite literally dysfunctional with respect to our rational values and norms.  This applies forcibly to the impact of Western lifestyles on relatively small isolated communities, known as the Ladakh effect.  Development pressures on this formerly self-sufficient culture in the region of eastern Kashmir have been systematically breaking down traditional social and economic structures, while visions of a seemingly superior Western lifestyle are stripping away the self- esteem of young Ladakhis, who now routinely compare themselves with a glamorised media version of the Western, urban consumer. As a result, people who were once proud to be Ladakhi now think of themselves as impoverished, primitive and inferior.  

By far the largest reason that consumerism re-structures society in random ways it that it supports unplanned consumption that undermines the environmental resource base. It exacerbates social inequalities, and fuels the dynamics of the consumption-poverty-inequality-environment system by introducing positive feedback. The more we want, the more the market provides. If the unplanned trends continue without change – not redistributing from high-income to low-income consumers, not shifting from polluting to cleaner goods and ecologically sound production technologies, not promoting goods that empower poor producers, not shifting priority from consumption for conspicuous display to meeting basic needs – the world will drift further away from the adoption of Principle 8 of the Rio Environment Summit. As the 1998 UN survey on human development made clear, the real issue is not consumption itself but the way it restructures the global social pattern based on wealth. Inequalities in consumption are stark.

Globally, the 20% of the world’s people in the highest- income countries account for 86% of total private consumption expenditures – the poorest 20% a minuscule 1.3%.  More specifically, the richest fifth of the world’s population:* consumes 45% of all meat and fish; the poorest fifth 5%; * consumes 58% of total energy; the poorest fifth less than 4%; * have 74% of all telephone lines; the poorest fifth 1.5%; * consumes 84% of all paper; the poorest fifth 1.1%; * owns 87% of the world’s vehicles; the poorest fifth less than 1%  

Runaway growth in consumption by the richest fifth of humanity is putting strains on the environment never before seen, and the above inequalities have not changed significantly into the 21st century. What can be done about the resulting challenge of inequality to global security, stability, shared prosperity, and most fundamentally to global social justice?  With regards managing consumerism to reduce social inequalities, because global markets work better for the already rich (be it with education or for countries with stable and sound institutions), we need something closer to a global social management contract to produce a global polity and address unequal endowments. Because global markets are imperfect, we need global regulatory arrangements and rules to manage the global environment, help emerging markets cope with global financial risks and find ways to discourage corruption and other anti-competitive processes.  Also, because global rules tend to reflect the interests of the rich, we need to strengthen the disciplines that multilateralism brings, and be more creative about increasing the representation of poor countries and poor people in global fora – the IMF, the World Bank, the UN Security Council, the Basel Committee on Banking Regulation, the G-8, and so on. But even if all of this could be achieved and there were equal shares for all, there are simply not enough planetary resources for the lifestyles of the rich Western nations to be made universal.  Comparative calculations of carbon footprints indicate that between three to nine Earths would be required to provide the resources needed at the present rate of overall consumption.  To have a global uptake of the Western lifestyle would require basic production systems to reduce their environmental impact by a factor of 10, when already the international community seems unable to reduce carbon emissions to half the present levels by mid century.  It was calculated decades ago that if total world production could be distributed evenly throughout the world population, each would have the livelihood of a European peasant in the 18th century. 

Nevertheless, managing consumerism to reduce social inequalities has to be based on environmental management in its widest ecological context.  The global industrial system of mass-production by which we currently manage resources to improve livelihoods has to be shifted bit by bit to match its inputs and outputs to planetary and local carrying capacity. This means the goal is to move from the linear open-ended production systems, which have characterised industrial development over the past two centuries, to operate in closed loop production systems of ecology by which resources can be managed for environmental sustainability.  This management model of cultural ecology requires maintaining the finite resources of our planet by managing them to improved livelihoods whilst managing consumerism to reduce social inequalities (Fig 6). The global strategies for this cultural transformation for managing ecological resources in a world free of conflict were agreed by world leaders at Rio de Janiero in 1992 and confirmed in the Earth Charter in 2000.  These documents present the agreed common vision of humanity for a sustainable future. However, they have not been expressed as an integrated set of operational plans agreed between nations. 

The failure of the Copenhagen climate change conference in 2009 revealed how far away the world is from a rapid agreement on reducing carbon emissions.  Very few nations were prepared to act in the common interest on the basis of knowing the issues.  Most were also aware of the issues but committed to act in self-interest despite knowing the harm they will cause. 

Fig 6 Management model of cultural ecology   

Fig 6

Educating for a new culture It is self evident that culture and ecology are inextricably linked and that education for behaviour change is the key for humanity to adapt to an overcrowded planet. Because education is a key instrument for cultural change, future decision-and-policymakers at least, must be provided with integrated, multidisciplinary education, training and research. But bridges are needed between disciplines at all levels of education to reinvigorate ingrained working methods and mind sets to enable future decision makers, families and individuals resolve the complexities of responding to change within an integrated, long-term planetary perspective. The long term consequences of political, industrial and biological management and theeconomic  development of the environment can only be understood within a knowledge system that integrates, ecology, economics, the social sciences and technology. It should connect government and business with families and individuals. As a pedagogic subject it should be structured in order to: 

  • recognise that the multi-disciplinary nature of economic development has a long-term perspective
  • improve the effective balance between conserving and using resources
  • emphasise informed public participation in decision-making
  • promote the equitable sharing of resources and reduce the risk for conflicts
  • foster respect for cultural, social and biological diversity

 These are the six educational imperatives recognised by the UNESCO-Cousteau Ecotechnie Programme (UCEP) as keystones in the promotion of global educationfor environment and sustainable development.  Cultural ecology provides the necessary ideational scaffold to carry this new educational movement, yet the West continues to promote a compartmented educational system that was designed to produce specialists to run their Empires. This was the way subject-based education was constructed as a validating privilege that it is the West’s to grant.  

Ecology conservation and cosmic consciousness

Wednesday, November 7th, 2007

In 1902, a Canadian medical doctor Richard Bucke published Cosmic Consciousness.  The publication was an attempt to make sense of a personal mystical experience he underwent at the age of 35 in relation to similar mental states he found had been experienced by others, including the poet Alfred Tennyson.  “The person, suddenly, without warning, has a sense of being immersed in a flame, or rose-colored cloud, or perhaps rather a sense that the mind is itself filled with such a cloud of haze.  Simultaneously or instantly following the above sense and emotional experiences there comes to the person an intellectual illumination quite impossible to describe. Like a flash there is presented to his consciousness a clear conception (a vision) in outline of the meaning and drift of the universe. He does not come to believe merely; but he sees and knows that the cosmos, which to the self conscious mind seems made up of dead matter, is in fact far otherwise—is in very truth a living presence. He sees that instead of men being, as it were, patches of life scattered through an infinite sea of non-living substance, they are in reality specks of relative death in an infinite ocean of life. He sees that the life which is in man is eternal, as all life is eternal; that the soul of man is as immortal as God is; that the universe is so built and ordered that without any peradventure all things work together for the good of each and all; that the foundation principle of the world is what we call love, and that the happiness of every individual is in the long run absolutely certain. The person who passes through this experience will learn in the few minutes, or even moments, of its continuance more than in months or years of study, and he will learn much that no study ever taught or can teach.” Bucke called this experience ‘cosmic consciousness’ and was of the opinion that, although a rare occurrence now, it would become more common during the next stage of human evolution and incorporate all aspects of human unity and Love.  He said the first stage of mental evolution was the appearance of the simple consciousness of animals – awareness at the basest level of existence, which was followed in human evolution by the collective consciousness of humanity, an awareness of existence with purpose, incorporating the divine in seminal forms such as art, literature and music.It is worth considering why Tennyson was included in Bucke’s list of outstanding personalities who have expounded visions of what he called a ‘drift of the universe’ pointing to humanity’s final stage of conscious existence in universal harmony.   It seems that this was an original idea of Tennyson’s derived from his conviction that humankind surely had a better future than constant warring and conflict.   This thought is a salient feature of his later poems, where he presents the view that as yet we are only partially made to accomplish the necessary social adaptations required to live harmoniously in the late Victorian age of plenty.  But, he concludes in his poem ‘The Making of Man’ that evolution will eventually ensure the survival of aggression- free humanity well within the period calculated for the running down of the solar system. Where is one that, born of woman, altogether can escapeFrom the lower world within him, moods of tiger, or of ape?Man as yet is being made, and ere the crowning Age of ages,Shall not æon after æon pass and touch him into shape? All about him shadow still, but, while the races flower and fade,Prophet-eyes may catch a glory slowly gaining on the shade,Till the peoples all are one, and all their voices blend in choricHallelujah to the Maker ‘It is finish’d. Man is made.’ The historical background is that Tennyson was the first British Poet Laureate who had to face up to Nature in the context of Darwin’s theory of evolution, which was published in 1859 when Tennyson was age 50.  He accepted Darwin’s thesis, but much of his poetry has been interpreted as questioning how Homo sapiens can exist in an unfeeling universe without spiritual consciousness.   From boyhood he had the capacity to put himself into “a kind of waking trance” in which

“…out of the intensity of the consciousness of individuality, the individuality itself seemed to dissolve and fade away into boundless being…. and this is not a confused state but the clearest of the clearest, the surest of the surest, utterly beyond words, where death was an almost laughable impossibility, and the loss of personality, if so it were, seemed no alteration but the only true life”. 

 This seems to be an intense expression of the feelings we all have when on a starry night we ask, “Who am I”?  and promptly loose our grasp on our own identity against the incomprehensible scale of the developing cosmos. Tennyson makes a statement about our continuity with the depths of cosmic time in the poem De Profundis, which significantly was begun after the birth of his first son in 1852.   It starts with human gestation as a ‘nine long months of antenatal gloom’ through which life flows: From that true world within the world we see,Whereof our world is but the bounding shore, He goes on to confirm our cosmic selfhood: The universe is the infinite OneWho made thee inconceivably Thyself

Out of his whole World-self and all in all

 

A decade later he was bemoaning how little science had to say about the meaningfulness of human life in relation to the wild flux of planetary energy:

 

I stood on a tower in the wet,

A new year and old year met,

And winds were roaring and blowing;

And I said, “O years, that meet in tears,

Have you aught that is worth the Knowing?

Science enough, and exploring,

Wanderers coming and going,

Matter enough for deploring,

But aught that is worth the Knowing?”

Seas from my feet are flowing,

Waves on the shingle pouring,

Old year roaring and blowing,

And new year blowing and roaring.

 

Nevertheless, we are part of this flux and in The Ancient Sage he articulates a systems analysis of the human self positioned between, and continuous with, the highest level of the Nameless cosmos and the lowest sub-atomic ‘Abysm of all Abysms’.

 

If thou would’st hear the Nameless, and wilt dive
Into the Temple-cave of thine own self,
There, brooding by the central altar, thou
May’st haply learn the Nameless hath a voice,
By which thou wilt abide, if thou be wise,
As if thou knewest, tho’ thou canst not know;
For Knowledge is the swallow on the lake
That sees and stirs the surface-shadow there
But never yet hath dipt into the abysm,
The Abysm of all Abysms, beneath, within
The blue of sky and sea, the green of earth,
And in the million-millionth of a grain
Which cleft and cleft again for evermore,
And ever vanishing, never vanishes,
To me, my son, more mystic than myself,
Or even than the Nameless is to me.

 Tennyson had been reading Lao-tse, the 7th century Chinese founder of Taoism and remarked that the poem expressed, “what I might have believed about the deeper problems of life ‘A thousand summers ere the birth of Christ’”  The key elements of Taoism, with respect to its sacred scripture are that “Man takes his norm from earth; earth from heaven; heaven from Tao; the Tao (the path) from itself.”   In modern parlance, we are related to soil, climate, flora, fauna, and all the chemical and physical planetary laws, which operate throughout the universe.  Tennyson when contemplating Earth swinging in a vast cosmos deliberately speaks up for the idea of the mental perfectibility of man that will evolve from cosmic orderliness and interrelatedness.  His poetry actually describes the state of ‘samadhi’ in Buddhist and Hindu literature. In these religious contexts samadhi is a term that describes a state of mind in which the consciousness of the experiencing subject becomes one with the experienced object 

It was Tennyson’s thinking along these lines that came to mind a few days ago when I read Mick Brown’s account of an interview with Edgar Mitchell, the sixth man to walk on the Moon (‘Telegraph Magazine’, 3rd November, 2007).  On the return journey having completed the Apollo 14 landing the craft was ‘falling’ through space rotating gently to keep it in thermal balance. 

 

“Every two minutes as you looked out you would see the earth, the moon and the sun, and a 360 degree panorama of the heavens out of the windows.  You could see the whole solar system.  And the star systems are ten times as bright and ten times as numerous in space. 

 

It was the recognition that the molecules in the body of the spacecraft and in my partners had been prototyped or maybe even manufactured in some ancient generation of stars.  This suddenly became damn personal.  It wasn’t intellectual- it was visceral.  And it was accompanied by this sense of… wow!  Ecstacy, that I’d never experienced before.

 

It was “… seeing things in their glory and their separateness, but experiencing them internally and viscerally as part of you”

 

“You can’t turn back when you’ve had this experience”.

 During his return to Earth, Edgar Mitchell clearly experienced a personal expansion of the scope of human identity throughout the universe.  Like Tennyson, he saw himself as an outcome of cosmic development, a human selfhood that is part of a wider cosmic whole, related, metaphysically, to the selfhood of the universe as a subsystem nested within ever-wider subsystems right up to the level of the selfhood of the universe.   In the last decade of his life Tennyson tried to use evolution as an attitude and a belief to produce a structural coherence to his life’s work.  This cosmic perspective invests an individual life with a meaning in relation to the fate of all other selves in the universe.  The same idea re-emerged as a set of ecological intuitions in the 1980s in the concept of ‘deep ecology’, which says we are in some sense ‘one with Nature’ and that everything is connected with everything else. The philosopher Freya Mathews has eleborated a new metaphysics of interconnectedness as a basis for an ecological world view of Nature informed by value.  Knowing that the “ecological self” is a product of the cosmos by which it is sustained advocates a strong, submersing, sense of interconnectedness with nature and feeling of love for all other selves. This is claimed to be a logical extension of our natural self-love, which expands once we recognize “the involvement of wider wholes in our identity”.   Thus we are held to flourish when we live in a way that affirms the biological and physical systems of Nature in which we are nested and where all other selves flourish.  This is a necessary step towards a ‘conservation culture’ that understands and represents our interconnectedness with Nature as a legitimate outreaching of heart and spirit towards safeguarding those other selves that fall within our grasp as conservationists.  

From Tennyson, Bucke and Mitchell we get the message that science is not enough to reinstate human beings in a web of spiritual and teleological relations with the natural world and restore our respect for Nature.

   

Tennyson: Culture and Nature

http://www.culturalecology.info/tennyson

 

Cosmic Trigger: Final Secret of the Illuminati http://www.holysmoke.org/wb/wb0174.htm

 

Mathews, F. (1991) The ecological self, Routledge

  

The Scope of Zoology

Saturday, October 27th, 2007

In 1969 I was Reader in Comparative Endocrinology and Metabolism in the Department of Zoology, at Sheffield, from where I was appointed ‘Professor of Zoology’ to the University of Wales College of Cardiff.  My predecessor was James Brough, a comparative anatomist and an international expert on the evolution of amphibia.  His title was ‘Professor of Zoology and Comparative Anatomy’.  When the time came to appoint his successor, comparative anatomy was no longer to be a central feature of teaching and research.   The change in title to Professor Zoology reflected the wish of the College to ‘bring the subject up to date’.   

 

Although my appointment involved the transfer of a zoology lecturer to Cardiff, I brought with me a unique background of degrees in biochemistry, first in Sheffield (Hons. Biochemistry) and then Oxford (a DPhil in biochemistry ).  After Oxford I had spent nine years in the zoology department at Sheffield, first as a researcher, then as a member of the teaching staff, and had become ‘more of a zoologist than many zoologists’.  That is to say, I was moving from molecules to higher levels of biochemical integration, whereas many young ‘zoologists’ were moving in the other direction without the necessary confidence in molecular and systems thinking. Biochemistry was the cutting edge of the natural sciences exemplified by the discovery of the citric acid cycle, carbon fixation, and the DNA alpha helix.  Zoology was no longer seen as a relevant subject, and most zoology departments in British universities had merged with botany to become departments or schools of biology.  This was eventually to be the fate of the Cardiff natural science departments in the 1980s.

 

To realise the full significance of the molecular discoveries in biochemistry they have to be connected with a centuries old ‘environment down’ natural science which begins with questions such as ‘Why are there not more species?;  and, why is it that some birds are exceptions to the rule that males are smaller than females? These are questions which come from an interest in the wildlife of woodland and meadow and to answer them requires putting together different sized pieces in a pattern of extraordinarily, beautiful complexity.  In this context, my inaugural lecture was given to ‘nail some professional colours to the mast’ of a large department where research and teaching were motivated by Darwinian ecology.  However, in the mid 80s, following the merger of the two Cardiff colleges of the University of Wales, zoology, botany and microbiology were merged with applied biology to make a ‘school of pure and applied biology’.  There followed, in the late 80s another, internal, merger with what used to be called the pre-medical departments, to form a school of biomedical sciences.  In thirty years, the academic values of a generation which started and finished with the ‘life of animals and plants’ had ceased to be imparted.  The thread of evolution and the various ‘warps and wefts’ of Darwinism which held undergraduates in thrall for the three years of their honours degrees in zoology and botany, has been fragmented. As a consequence it is now virtually impossible to find teachers in schools and universities who can convincingly argue a case for evolution against creationism.

 

 

 

The lecture (to be read in conjunction with my previous blog)

 

Introduction

We are beings are living organisms, vitally interested in our own nature and in the living things which surround us.  The study of life is the literal meaning of the term ‘biology’ and ‘zoology’ as taken as being synonymous with ‘animal biology’.  The study of animal life is a natural human activity, for man himself can be fully understood only in his setting within the entire range of animal life.  Also, whether the object of study is a jellyfish, an elephant or a dinosaur, any progress in understanding one sheds light on all.

 

Zoology is primarily concerned with defining the nature of each kind of animal and its interactions with plants and microbes as well as with other animals.   It is concerned with the relationship of animals and communities of animals to the environment.  It also deals with the past history of animals in conjunction with the history of Earth.  In addition, it is concerned with the origins and development of each individual animal.  Modern zoology has no strict limits in that animals may be studied in all their manifestations from the ‘invisible’ to the ‘gigantic’; as individuals and as infinitely complex webs of interrelated forms; as life now present and as life of the past.  It includes a study of the properties of matter because all living things are made up of Earth’s common chemical elements.  At this level of organisation, the physics and chemistry of individual cells can be investigated and taught without regard for the boundaries between the plant and animal kingdoms.  This is the true province of biology’.  At a higher level, however, whole organisms and their component tissues, botany and zoology are at least as different as physics and chemistry.  However, no mater how difficult it may be to define in practice, modern zoology ranges from the analytical study of cells, to the study of the organs, and the growth maintenance activities of all members of the animal kingdom. 

 

Zoology is a ‘home’ for physiologists, biochemists and medical scientists who wish to fit their discoveries into the panorama of a past reaching back to a time when the earth was young and related to an unfolding story of the emergence and evolution of animals in relation to the changing earth.

 

Because we are animals, zoology has universal warmth of appeal that is not found in other sciences. This is because the goal of the zoologist is to understand his own nature.  His aim is to understand the history and origin of live and ultimately to provide sufficient self-knowledge to control the destiny of human beings as dependants on a finite world.

 

We alone among the animals are consciously aware of space and time and to be curious about our place within them and why we exist.  Zoology is simply the outcome of our irrepressible urge to find the answers to these questions

 

 

History of zoology

Fifty years ago zoology was available, together with botany, as a school subject to those wishing to enter university and specialise in the study of living things. These two subjects also existed in every university at departmental level and the preferred pathway for students interested in the study of animals was the undergraduate honours course where zoology was explored in depth over a period of two or three years.

 

Few schools now offer zoology as a sixth form subject; along with botany it has been replaced in our public examination system by the subject biology. Reflecting this, many universities offer only biology as a very broad-based degree syllabus to students with a prime interest in the life of animals. Within those universities that still have a zoology department, the preferred undergraduate pathway is gradually shifting towards a combination of zoology with one or more subjects, or parts of subjects.  University College, Cardiff follows these international trends in that, although there is still a department of zoology, with a special honours syllabus, general schemes pair this subject with, others such as chemistry, geology, botany, physiology, psychology, biochemistry and archaeology. Also, in Cardiff zoology has teaching links with a range of other departmental subjects from mineral exploitation to economics mainly through participation by the department in an integrated course on environmental studies which may be offered with zoology as half of a general degree scheme. These changes in undergraduate teaching clearly indicate that there have been important changes in the body of knowledge associated with the subject zoology during the past 50 years, which can only be appreciated by examining the development of zoology alongside that of all other science subjects. The task is really beyond the scope of this essay. What follows is an attempt to trace some of the major historical developments in research, which distinguish zoology as a separate subject whilst at the same time emphasising links which zoology must now have with other subjects for a balanced view of animal life.

 

Traditionally, zoology is that branch of science dealing with all animals including us. About half a million different sorts or species of animals have already been described and named, each breeding true to its own special characteristics and each different from all others. Over a hundred fresh species are discovered, described and named every year. This number is at present increasing annually and it is obvious that any study of all these creatures, their structure and mode of working, their habits and their history, will soon yield an enormous body of overwhelming facts unless we classify them properly.

 

From the beginning, botany and zoology have been concerned with classification. Both disciplines arose during the sixteenth century as applied sciences attached to medicine. Botany began as a broadened study of medicinal herbs and early botanical gardens were herb gardens. With but one or two exceptions, all the great botanists and herbalists from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries were either professors of medicine or practising physicians. Zoology arose, in a similar way from medicine in connection with human anatomy and physiology. When botany and zoology became independent sciences, the first concern of the two fields was to bring order into the diversity of nature. Classification was, therefore, their dominant concern and indeed, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, botany and zoology were virtually coextensive with the science of classification termed ‘taxonomy’. Moreover, by sheer necessity, classification at that period was essentially a vital part of the technique of identification.

 

Classification or taxonomy is the science of the orderly arrangement of animals according to some scheme of likenesses and differences among the various groups. At first, cataloguing animals was for convenience so that their names could be easily found, very much as one would classify an odd assortment of letters. Animals were grouped in various ways, such as those that were harmful or useful, those that lived on land or in water, and those that dwelt in trees or on the surface of the land. How they were classified depended on the whim of the taxonomist, but as knowledge of animal life increased, classification took on another fundamental purpose. Anatomical differences and similarities were carefully noted and it was found that despite great diversity, there were patterns of similarity between groups.

It was obvious to the early taxonomists that living nature was not planless, although the lines of the plan were obscure. It was through studies of the structure of living things that the plan began to emerge, especially through the work of Linnaeus, who made a classification of all known living forms of his day. Linnaeus over-emphasised the distinctions and barriers between species, which he thought of as immutable. The Linnaean plan was that there are just so many species as there were forms created in the beginning.

 

With the establishment of the theory of evolution in the latter part of the l9th century, which stressed temporal changes in the organisation of living things, taxonomy gradually became concerned with the relationship or kinship of animals to each other. During this period, taxonomy began to express not merely a convenient cataloguing of animals according to structural differences and similarities, but the ancestral relationships between them. Study of the diversity of organisms with a view to establishing relationships between them is termed ‘systematics’ and at this time the terms ‘taxonomy’ and ‘systematics’ were generally considered to be synonymous and dealt mainly with the progressive evolution of the anatomical features of animals.

 

This approach also dominated British zoology in the first quarter of the 20th century when it was almost wholly occupied with problems of phylogeny and comparative anatomy; that is with the apportioning out of evolutionary priorities and the unravelling of relationships of descent. Comparative anatomy has many brilliant discoveries to its credit; at best, exemplified by the deduction that the bones in the mammalian ear, which transmit vibrations from the eardrum to the organ of hearing, are cognate with bones of ancestral organisms, which had formed part of the articulations of the lower jaw. These discoveries and others equally dramatic showing modifications with evolution, were products of the l9th century. Studies in the early 20th century were concerned with refining and correcting basic discoveries made earlier. All of the great successes of comparative anatomy were achieved before the turn of the century and nearly all of the great dynasties in the evolutionary history of animals were established in the l9th century. Unfortunately the continuation of this well established approach, increasingly pre-occupied with “gap filling”, had led by the end of the First World War to a sterile form of teaching and research concerned wholly with minutiae of anatomy and tedious arguments about the direction in which evolution was progressing.

 

It is only in recent years that there has been a resurgence of interest in classification. This development has brought about the rise of the system of objective taxonomy based on the premise that it is only possible to devise a satisfactory classification to distinguish very similar organisms if a large number of characters are available for analysis. The more varied the characters available for comparison, the more effective will be the classification. It is not necessary or even permissible to restrict the characters investigated to those that have been in the past listed as diagnostic. Theoretically, the whole of an organism’s evolutionary history is contained within the molecules of a single cell and we are now beginning to discern something of this molecular key to an organism’s past. Chemotaxonomy, dealing generally with chemical differences and serotaxonomy, dealing specifically with differences in proteins are two recent developments in this field of ‘numerical taxonomy’.

 

Systematic zoology when considered as a discipline apart from taxonomy is clearly devoted to the study of the evolution of different shapes and varied sequences of movement which together broadly distinguish the different kinds of animals from each other. Early zoologists dealt only with the description of shapes. It was not until the second and third decades of this century that they turned to the description of sequences of movement or the ‘behavioural structures’ of animals. It can be argued that zoology has distinction as a subject only when dealing with the building of three-dimensional shapes and the -assembly of patterns of movement. That is to say, what is distinctly animal is found only in the evolution of communities of cells to form organ systems and the establishment of behavioural structures by which animals interact with each other and with their environment. The motivation of zoologists is summarised by the questions “What is the use in having a particular shape and mode of behaviour? Does it contribute to the animal’s success? If so, How?” and “What makes it happen?”

 

Questions on the origins of shape and size are still central to modern zoology. The most original approach to escape the anatomist’s method of comparing shapes piecemeal was to view all changes in relative dimensions simply as the topical expressions of some comprehensive and pervasive change of shape through development taking place mainly in one direction. At the turn of the century D’Arcy Thompson developed this approach to grasp evolutionary transformations as a whole, viewing the change of shape as analogous to that produced by distorting a sheet of rubber on which has been drawn a house or a face. Every single aspect of the drawings changes but the transformation as a whole might be defined by some quite simple formula describing the way the rubber had been stretched. Thompson’s methods were later developed by J.S. Huxley into more usable quantitative relationships between the rate of reproduction of one part of the organism to another. This quantification of ideas in comparative anatomy that began in the late l9th century came to an abrupt end at the outbreak of the Second World War. In 1945 a new generation of zoologists was in command of research development and it was the comparative experimental approach to physiology that surged forward. The achievements of the D’Arcy Thompson/ Huxley school were left behind as a blind end to a particular research philosophy. It is only now, with a marriage between biochemistry and developmental biology that we are beginning to understand the operation of growth mechanisms during development and to some extent to explain the precise mathematical analyses of the organism in relation to its parts that were carried out between 1900 and 1939.

 

Current approaches to the study of size and shape can be traced to the beginnings of experimental developmental biology. Historically, the study of development as a process began, not with the final product of ontogeny, which was the mainstay of dynastic zoology, but with the developing embryo. In the 1930’s experimental embryology had much the same appeal as molecular biology has today, in that students felt it to be the most promising advancing front of biological research. This was partly because histological analysis in early development showed that unity existed between dynasties previously separated in terms of gross anatomy. Further, differentiation proceeded uniformly through the mobilisation and deployment of similarly structured cellular envelopes, tubes and sheets in all animals. Chemical unity of evolution was also apparent in the topical organiser theory, which postulated that differentiation in development is the outcome of an orderly sequence of limited but specific chemical stimuli. The underlying assumption of the theory was that an understanding of the chemical properties of the inductive agent would reveal why the amino acid sequence of proteins should differ. Unfortunately the rapid rise of experimental embryology tended to segregate various aspects of the life cycle as distinct topics within the zoology syllabus, such as differentiation, growth, maturation and ageing, which is only now being overcome. For example, it is currently felt that life should be viewed more as a continuum at the chemical level; ageing and embryonic growth have a unity.

In retrospect, it is clear that embryology in the 1920’s lacked the broad background of genetical reasoning which would have made it possible to formulate a correct theory of development. Also, the necessary analytical techniques for testing chemical theories involving interactions between unstable mixtures of proteins had not been invented. It is not now generally believed that a stimulus external to the system on which it acts can convey instructions that amino acids shall be assembled in a given order at a certain time and place. Only in the 1950’s and 60’s could embryonic development be viewed at the level of molecules as the unfolding of pre-existing capabilities in genetically encoded instructions. The growth of biochemistry and microbiology has allowed the zoologist to see something relevant to embryology in the induction of adaptive enzymes of bacteria. It is by this analogy that embryonic development is explained. That is to say the ‘organiser’ of the 20’s is now identified as an agent that selects or activates one set of genetic instructions rather than another.

 

This very broad approach to systematics has only developed during the last 30 years with the growth of genetics, gathering momentum in the late 50’s with the centenary of Darwin’s ‘The Origin of Species’. During those years biology has advanced more rapidly than at any other time in the history of science. The most telling discoveries have been concerned with our knowledge of the part played by molecules in living systems. The turning point came with the demonstration in the early 1950’s of the Watson-Crick structure of DNA and later the identification of the genetic code. The rise of this viewpoint occurred within the field termed molecular biology. This field was concerned in its early stages more particularly with structure; this was part of the description or taxonomic phase of biochemistry. Today, molecular biologists are more interested in the evolutionary history of the molecules they study. In this respect it may be said that biochemists will gradually enter zoology when they study not just substances, but the evolutionary events that reject or retain them. Comparative studies of chemical structure led to comparative biochemistry as one of the first developments in modern biochemistry but this broad-based approach rapidly lost ground to the preferential laboratory use of rats, mice and the bacterium Escherichia coli. Now, systematic biochemists are rare because evolution is not an integrated part of the biochemistry syllabus, which stresses the chemical unity of living things. Zoologists are more interested in the origins of chemical diversity.

 

Systematic zoology in the 1920’s was based upon dynastic evolution, which was taught largely in the form of anatomical pedigrees or family trees. Students were encouraged to consider the evolution of the dogfish, the horse, the elephant and man. This dynastic conception influenced the training of zoologists long after the revival of Darwinism had made it altogether inappropriate.

 

A new dynamic kind of Darwinism arose with genetics theory from the early 1900’s. According to the old ideas, the outcome of an evolutionary episode was the appearance of a new genetical formula, which conferred the greatest degree of adaptiveness in the prevailing circumstances. Gradually this new solution of the problem of remaining alive in a hostile environment was seen to become a general characteristic of the majority of the members of the population. A new character would be stable except insofar as it might be modified by further evolution; members of the population would be predominantly uniform in genetic make-up and would necessarily breed true. Genetic diversity was thought of as being maintained by mutation, which was for the most part non-adaptive, and bad mutations were converted into harmless recessives by natural selection. When evolution was not in progress natural selection made on the whole for uniformity. Polymorphism, the occurrence of a stable pattern of genetic inequality within populations, was recognised as an interesting but somewhat unusual phenomenon, each example of which required an explanation peculiar to itself.

 

These ideas were superseded through the impact of genetics, which was far from departmental status in the universities of the 1920’s. Natural populations are now known to be highly diverse and even chemical polymorphism has been found wherever it has been looked for. Today it is no longer possible to think of the evolutionary process as the formulation of a new genotype or the inception of a new type of organism. The raw material of evolution is itself a diverse population, and the product is a new and well-adapted pattern of genetic inequality, shaped and actively maintained by selective forces. An important modern viewpoint is that the population as a whole breeds true not its individual members, so that we can no longer draw the old distinction between an active process of evolution and a more or less stationary end product. Evolution is constantly in progress and the genetical structure of every population is diverse and dynamically sustained.

 

As yet, nothing is known about the genetic specification of order at levels above the molecular level and this is probably where the next major developments in systematic zoology will occur. Already, it is possible to observe new ideas on the relationship between cellular and organ function emerging at the interface between developmental biology and cell biology, which may allow new insight into the way in which organs exist as integrated cellular systems in their own right.

 

Cell biology had its origins in the two decades before the Second World War coincidentally with the rise of biochemistry. Urease and pepsin were crystallised respectively in 1926 and 1930. Tobacco mosaic virus was crystallised in the 1930’s when it was thought to be a pure protein. Other portentous discoveries were those arising from X-ray diffraction, which revealed an essentially crystalline orderliness in common biological structures.

The first electron micrographs were published in the 1930’s with a resolving power of one micron. This was the time at which the old concept of the colloidal organisation of matter was being replaced by ideas of precise compartmentation of cells. The view of protoplasm as a fragile colloidal slime, permeating otherwise inanimate structures was already obsolete in the thirties, but the colloidal conception was still used with an allowance made for heterogeneity and for the existence of what were termed liquid-crystalline states and cytoskeletons. The substitution of the structural for the vague colloidal conception of the physical basis of life was one of the great revolutions of modern biology. The change was very gradual and was only finally completed in the late 1950’s when the electron microscope became a routine instrument.

 

One of the most recent developments of the electron microscope enables chemical analysis to be carried out with a high degree of precision within the sectioned specimen. With this instrument, the biochemist and the zoologist may realise the long-sought integrative goal of their respective disciplines as they sit, side by side and discuss the implications of molecular events in a multi-molecular highly compartmented structure. Biochemists by destroying this compartmentation destroy the regulating systems which they wish to study and so can only study the ‘nuts and bolts’ of the organism.

 

Other important interactions between biochemistry and zoology are now widespread at the physiological level. Although comparative studies of function have always taken place alongside anatomical investigations it was in an effort to escape from the fruitless arguments of descriptive systematic zoology that a group of zoologists deliberately broke away from this mainstream in the 1920’s in order to augment description by experiment. Two aspects of this new school of experimental zoology can be observed in modern zoology encompassed by the fields of comparative endocrinology and comparative neurophysiology. At worst, the experimental school has carried through a systematic philosophy to a less complex level of physiology and biochemistry without adding anything new to a phylogeny already established on morphological grounds. At best, it has unravelled the workings of new organ systems. This is particularly true for the structure and functions concerned with homeostasis or self-regulation, which was a concept clarified in the 1920’s from many old ideas concerning the immediate resistance of animals to environmental change. Some of the greatest achievements of physiological analysis have been performed on material that in 1926 was known only to zoologists but the exploitation of these structures, such as the giant axon of the squid, has been in the hands of workers trained in other fields. This probably reflects different attitudes towards biological modelling, where a system is chosen for study simply on the grounds that it shows in an exaggerated or uncomplicated form a mechanistic phenomenon of particular interest. Biological modelling is commonplace in physiology and biochemistry but not in zoology where there is a tendency to study a particular animal long after it has ceased to yield important data. Also, because much comparative zoology has to await the development of techniques and principles in other fields before data can be obtained, there is a natural reluctance on the part of zoologists to initiate chemically orientated research. Too often, the uncritical application by zoologists of ideas and methods of chemistry, originating outside zoology, has led to a great deal of wasted research effort. Set against this are the great achievements of zoologists who have entered other fields and through bringing the holistic viewpoint of zoology to bear, have obtained unique insight into diverse problems. Medical research in particular has gained much from systematic zoology.

 

If we regard systematic zoology as the comprehensive analysis of evolutionary processes at all levels that lead to the building of new organs and behaviours, animal ecology is a complementary study of the building of spatial relationships between animals. Unlike systematics it is a subject area that must forge links with other disciplines, particularly botany for even a superficial understanding to be obtained. Because of its essential interdisciplinary aspect, in recent years ecological research has tended more and more to rely on techniques of mathematical modelling which enable the flow paths between plants, animals, soil and water to be quantified. A mathematical model in biology is a device used to describe what are believed to be essential features of a natural process such as the development of sequential events or the distribution in space of certain phenomena. Compartment or box models originated in the physical sciences but are now widely used in zoology. They are essentially integrated diagrams of natural systems designed to describe temporally defined spaces. The property of interest in each space is conceptually described in terms of a volume integral of that property such as mass, number or energy. The advantage of box building is that it avoids to a large extent the complexity of detailed processes within each box. Because it is an approximation, a compartment model with flow paths between boxes is a crude picture of reality which means that when it is used for prediction, errors may be amplified and augmented because of a lack of precision with regard to mechanism. Nevertheless it is the only way to handle physiological and ecological data that require integration for a full understanding. The technique is becoming widely used in these branches of zoology.

 

 

Subdivisions of biology

The ultimate goal of science is to devise and explain conceptual schemes about the nature of the universe in which we live. Science used to be divided into Natural Philosophy and Natural History, thereby suggesting a single subject – Nature – and a dichotomy of method. In today’s usage, we have a division into the Biological and Physical Sciences, implying a revised attitude – a unity of method – Science and a diversity of subject.

 

However, differences between the biological and physical sciences are clearly a feature of the specialist viewpoint and the diversity of subject matter disappears when we take a broad view of science and detect a basic unity.

 

Unity is most obvious at the elementary level of biology. Here we see the fundamental particles of matter about which physics is still unable to make positive statements. At this sub-atomic level are the familiar particles of the atom. A second level comprises the atoms of the ninety-odd elements, which belong partly to the non-living and partly to the living world. It is at this level that we see the beginning of a dichotomy between biology and the physical sciences, because only a small proportion of the elements are important constituents of living matter. At a third level, atoms join to form molecules. Separation of biology from chemistry is complete when we consider the special aggregations of these molecules to form living systems, giving rise to the fourth level of organisation – the cell. There are two further levels of organisation peculiar to biology: a fifth level is presented by multicellular systems, organs and organisms; and the existence of super-individual systems which display the characteristics of mutual inter-dependence and self-regulation is the basis for the sixth level of organisation – the community consisting of inter-dependent populations.

 

It is worthwhile stressing the fundamental differences between the physical and biological sciences, because it is these differences, which form the basis for the undergraduate’s choice of courses at the university. For him, physics, chemistry and mathematics differ profoundly from biology in both their subject matter and methodology. He sees that the laws of chemistry and physics are general and wide enough to embrace both the actual and the possible, whereas the laws of biology are strongly bounded by the actual. This diversity in approach can best be seen by contrasting mathematics with biology.

 

The mathematician is busy making deductions from general, well-founded propositions; the biologist is more especially occupied with observation and comparison, and those processes, which lead to general propositions. However, it is misleading to think that these differences within science depend on fundamental distinctions between the disciplines themselves. They depend simply on accidents of subject matter and the relative complexity and consequently the relative perfection of concepts.

 

Unity in science comes when we see that all the laws of nature, whether they apply to physical or to biological systems, are of a statistical kind. They are statements made about the average behaviour of collectives. To put it another way, science as a whole appears to be a hierarchy of statistics. At the level of physics and chemistry, statistical fluctuations in the behaviour of atoms are levelled out because we always deal with very large numbers of interacting particles. A biologist never deals with such large numbers of organisms at one time and consequently has to cope with much variability and unpredictability in his results.

 

The list of separate subjects at universities at any one time is due in part to historical accident and a good many of the present lines of demarcation may be regarded as purely provisional. The demarcation of an area of study in universities termed ‘Biology’ is of relatively recent origin. Despite this, the term Biology has been in use as a general descriptive term for over a century. Biology defines the science of living things. The word biology’ is one of those all-embracing terms which are often too general to have much meaning. It is derived from the Greek ‘bios’, meaning life, and ‘logos’ – the study of. Historically, knowledge about living things was developed somewhat independently by students of plants and students of animals. As a result, many biologists think of two main sub-divisions of biology: botany, the study of plants; and zoology, the study of animals. Other biologists feel that there are really three types of organisms – plants, animals and microbes – and consider microbiology to be a third major division of biology.  This system operates in University College, Cardiff.

 

Another method of subdividing biology is based on what is termed an operational or functional approach, which cuts across the divisions of animal, plant and microbe. This scheme is sometimes referred to as the horizontal method of organisation. It works because, particularly at a research level, the scope of biology has no boundaries. Many of the important advances, particularly in the past few years, have been made by workers who defy categorisation into a particular branch of biology. However, because workers have become specialised in various branches of biology, many horizontal investigations are carried out by team research in which zoologists, botanists, microbiologists, chemists, physicists and mathematicians collaborate.

 

The horizontal categories include molecular biology, cellular biology, developmental biology organismal biology and population, or community biology. Several undergraduate curricula have been developed using one or more of these categories as the main theme and this makes the important point that there are many legitimate ways of introducing a student to the biological sciences at the university.

 

Molecular biology encompasses biochemistry and biophysics and mainly includes all of those aspects of biology, which take a molecular approach to problems and their solution. It is obvious that there is a considerable overlap among the various subdivisions of molecular biology. All of the subdivisions include investigations at the molecular level and all involve the flow of chemical information in biological systems; the term molecular genetics is often used to refer to these latter aspects of biology because their expression depends on chemical information passed on from one generation to another. Cellular biology includes all approaches to structure and function of cells, such as chemical and physical organisation, the production and utilisation of energy, transport of materials within the body, and the mobility and stabilising mechanisms of cells.

 

Developmental biology is much broader than traditional embryology; it includes development from the molecular level to gross structural levels. The phenomena of regeneration, wound repair and ageing are also included in developmental biology.

 

Organismal biology focuses on whole organisms. It is concerned with such matters as the evolution of the main groups of living things, functional and developmental anatomy, comparative physiology and behaviour. Population and community biology are concerned with the structure, maintenance and dynamics of populations or communities and with the process of natural selection, whereby whole populations change their character with the passage of time, due to the influence of a gradually changing environment. Biology also has applied aspects in space sciences, earth sciences, physical sciences, social sciences and humanities.

 

 

The subdivisions of zoology

Despite this apparent maze of sub-units of biology, there are basically only two kinds of zoology, which are divided in terms of the approach used by the investigator. One – functional zoology – investigates the immediate causality of biological functions and processes; the other evolutionary zoology – has its roots in natural history and deals with the historical causality of the organic world. Functional zoology takes much of its techniques from physics and chemistry and a functional zoologist is happiest when he can reduce observed biological phenomena to physicochemical processes. Evolutionary zoology, dealing with highly complex systems operated by the historically evolved programme of heredity, must pursue a different strategy of research in order to provide explanations. Its most productive method is that of making comparisons and its most famous exponent was Charles Darwin. It is no coincidence that Darwin wrote the ‘Origin of Species’ after encountering problems of classification of a diversity of facts during the voyage of the Beagle and, in particular, after eight years’ concentrated work classifying the world’s barnacles.

 

To express the two approaches in a different manner, at one extreme, zoology is preoccupied with the ultimate building stones and ultimate unit processes that are the common denominators throughout the living world. This has largely been the concern of biochemists who study animals and deal with the structure of macromolecules and such functional unit processes as the chemical pathways for food utilisation. This reductionist methodology when applied to functional problems quickly carries us down to a level where we leave behind most of what is typically zoological. This is surely true for the chemistry and physics of the ultimate building stones; at this level it would be quite legitimate to equate zoology with chemistry and physics.

 

At the other extreme is preoccupation with the level of zoology that deals with whole organisms, with uniqueness and systems. In this connection, it has been stated that, just as architecture is more than the study of building materials, so is biology more than the study of macromolecules. To carry this analogy further, the architect has to learn a lot about the properties of bricks, but the brick maker can function without any knowledge of architecture. Although no zoologist would hold the extreme reductionist view that it is always possible and desirable to explain happenings at one level of integration in terms of events at a lower level, it is informative and often essential to refer back to a lower level in order to understand better the workings of a higher order. Thus, an adequate understanding of zoology is impossible without a good working knowledge of chemistry, but chemistry can be understood without reference to Zoology.

 

However, it is still often said that the only way to understand life is to start with the molecules and work upwards. The absurdity of this viewpoint is clear when we examine the approach of the naturalist. The natural historian’s way of handling data is well illustrated by Darwin’s observations on a group of small land birds in the Galapagos Islands. These islands are a compact group lying about 600 miles off the coast of Equador. They were visited by Darwin when he was serving as a naturalist aboard the exploration ship H.M.S. Beagle in 1832. His observations on these islands strongly influenced Darwin’s later thoughts about evolution.

 

The zoologist’s interest in the Galapagos stems from the fact that

they are oceanic islands thrust up by volcanic action from the ocean floor. They have had no connection with the mainland at any time in their history. Coming into existence late in the history of life, they initially constituted a completely unoccupied environment.

 

When Darwin arrived, he found that there were fourteen distinct finches inhabiting the islands, all of a type similar to a less varied variety on the mainland of South America. The island birds can be grouped in various ways according to various similarities and differences; in terms of habitat, i.e. ground dwelling, cactus dwelling or tree dwelling; in terms of food, i.e. insect eaters or seed eaters; in terms of habit, i.e. warblers, woodpeckers and finches; and in terms of size, i.e. small, medium and large. Not all islands contained birds and some had a restricted distribution. These simple observations, which could have been made by anyone with a sharp eye, were assembled by Darwin into the following pattern. Some time after the islands were formed, finches from the mainland arrived as the first terrestrial birds and began breeding on the islands. The mainland finches are ground birds feeding on seeds and it is assumed that the ancestors of the Galapagos finches had the same habits. Subsequently, the ground finch changed in form and habits and became diversified in terms of size, habitat and food. Three finches appeared still feeding on seeds, but differing in size, two others developed feeding mainly on cactus and one combined ground and cactus feeding. Others became tree dwellers, where the majority took up the habit of feeding on insects.

 

This historical picture, built up from simple observations of present-day geographical distribution, form and habits, has given rise to the important zoological principle of adaptive radiation. The principle states that descendants of an ancestral species that was itself adapted to a restricted way of life have radiated out into a diversity of new habitats. The radiation of the Galapagos finches is trivial in extent, even if beautifully clear in detail. However, using the same simple method of natural history, it has been established that other radiations have occurred on a more massive scale with far-reaching importance to the history of life in general. Not least of these followed the exit of the vertebrates from water. It is important to understand that it was not necessary to know the inner working of animals, nor was it necessary to conduct any experiment, in order to deduce the principle of adaptive radiation. This example demonstrates that the working levels of the naturalist and the chemist are different; they each produce a picture of the living world, which could not be produced in any other way. At this point, it is worth stressing, once again, that there is no difference in the methodology of the physical scientist and the biologist. Both must first obtain facts, either by observations of natural phenomena, or obtain artificial facts, through experimentation. These facts are next grouped together according to similarities by the procedure known as “comparison” or “classification”. Results of this process are termed ‘general propositions’. A general proposition is used to predict the facts about an unknown situation – a form of reasoning known as deduction. Finally, there is the process of verification, which gives information as to the validity of a particular deduction. A mathematician deals with two properties of objects only number and extension; all the inductive reasoning to provide general propositions was carried out long ago. He is occupied now with nothing but deduction and verification. A biologist is still concerned with assembling a vast number of facts relating to the properties of living objects, which will eventually give rise to general propositions. Only when this phase has been completed will biology be as deductive and as exact as mathematics.

 

Zoology has never been synonymous with taxonomy. Its province has always been that of animal biology in its widest context. For example, a zoologist may want, first of all, to find out how a particular animal works, considered as a piece of living mechanism, and to compare the ways of working of various other animals. This is the field of animal physiology with the emphasis on comparisons. Secondly, he may want to know all he can about the structural plans of animals, to know how that structure develops and to compare the structure of different animals. That is animal morphology – the science of form. Finally, he may want to understand how and why it is that different individuals and species of animals are what they are; their history and as much as possible about the causes of their history. That is the field of animal heredity and evolution.

 

The uniqueness of the zoologist as he stands amongst other biologists is that he seeks to interpret findings about the life of animals within the framework of the theory of evolution. Evolution is the term used to describe the process by which man arose, by an infinitesimal slow progression, from a level of organisation similar to that of present-day microorganisms. As far as we know, the most important mechanism in the evolution of living species is that of natural selection. Natural selection suggests that if any form of stress is put on a population of living creatures those, which most effectively respond to the stress, will survive and those, which respond less effectively, will die. Survivors pass on their successful characteristics, which we term ”adaptations, to their descendants. Unsuccessful characteristics are eliminated through a failure in reproduction and the nature of the population changes. This leads the zoologist to examine the adaptive significance of his findings, whether they are at the population or molecular level. In other words, he wishes to know how the structure or function he has discovered has been advantageous in promoting the evolution of the animal possessing it. In answer to the question “Why does the tiger have claws?” the molecular biologist would say that physico-chemical conditions exist at certain point in the embryo which make it inevitable that certain living cells there will produce the special hard substance of claws and that because of the spatial pattern of the cells this will inevitably be laid down to give a pointed curved structure. This does not satisfy the zoologist; he sees that if the tiger did not develop claws, it would not survive. Also, the ultimate in evolution is man himself and in so far as zoology is more than a branch of mere idle curiosity, it is the overall aim of the zoologist to explain the phenomenon of man through the detailed study of all animals.

 

Evolution manifests itself in varied aspects of the living world, particularly in the manner in which animals are distributed over the earth and adapted to differing environments.

 

Animal geography may be taken as a good starting point to show the essence and scope of zoology. Indeed, it does not require a course in zoology to generate an awareness that most animals have a restricted distribution. At first glance, it would appear that it is the physical characteristics of the Earth, which limits the spread of the majority of animal types. There is an obvious restriction of many animals to an aquatic environment, either the sea or fresh-water. Also, the temperature appears to limit severely the distribution of both aquatic and terrestrial forms, particularly the cold-blooded animals, which are clearly dependent upon radiant energy from the sun for all of their activities.

 

Biologists believe that life originated in a stable watery environment and that early life evolved in the seas, where many kinds of animals are still only to be found. This environmental system is and has been very stable. Despite its chemical complexity, the composition of seawater remains remarkably constant, while the vertical and horizontal circulations of oceanic water tend to reduce temperature differences between one climatic region and another. Uniformity and stability are particularly evident under deep-sea conditions. Below about 300 fathoms, light and heat from the sun hardly penetrate.

The main trend in the evolution of life has been for animals to move away from the relatively stable conditions of the oceans to inhabit first fresh-water and then terrestrial habitats, both of which are less stable and more varied than the sea. All fresh-water and land animals show clear indications of an ultimate origin from marine ancestors and progressive adaptation to these secondary habitats has been accompanied by steadily increasing specialisation. A large number of animals have returned from both fresh-water and land to a marine life. Whales, dolphins and porpoises all display a degree of differentiation in both structure and function, which no zoologist believes could have developed unless their ancestors had been terrestrial. A porpoise may, to the untrained eye, look like a fish, but in its lung structure, its nervous system, its method of reproduction, the way in which its young are nourished and so on, it affords clear proof of descent with appropriate modifications from land forms. Some of these features derived from terrestrial ancestors are very obvious, such as the hairy coat, which is present from birth. All of these adaptations to a different habitat occur through inherited variations in morphology, physiology and biochemistry and it is the role of the zoologist to pursue these variations at any level and to make deductions as to the pathway and mechanism of evolution.

 

 

Dynamic aspects

Within a well-developed science, it should be possible to reduce the varied subject matter to order. In biology, this means we have to show that all differences can be understood to have arisen by the influence of specific factors operating to modify some original scheme. Nothing less than the establishment of a general scheme and simple set of factors to include many special circumstances should be the aim of biology as a science. That is to say, in order to know life, what it is, what it has been and what it will be, we must look beyond the details of individual ‘ lives and try to find the rules governing all our findings.

 

In our efforts to elucidate the rules of life, we use relatively simple-minded concepts derived from man-made objects and processes, which we can understand because we made them. Most obscurity in biology comes from the unconsidered use of these analogies. We have a science of anatomy, which we are told is concerned with the ‘structure’ of animals. Physiology is the study of ‘function’. In both cases, we take implied analogies from man-made machines, which have both structure and function. However, further examination of living things has made these classical viewpoints of biology much less clear than they have seemed in the past.

 

This simple view fails when we ask: What is the life of an animal? What is passed on from generation to generation to provide continuity? What is it that changes through time by the process we call evolution?

 

The answer to these questions cannot be given by either the anatomist or the physiologist. It has gradually become apparent that the body is not a fixed, definite structure, as it appears to casual observation or when dissected. In life, there is ceaseless activity and change going on within the apparently constant framework of the body. The essence of life is not a particular substance or substances, but a particular kind of dynamic organisation. Sometimes, this belief is expressed by likening the organism to a candle-flame. Just as in a quiet atmosphere, the flame keeps its shape despite the fact that new particles of wax are being constantly fed into it while the burned remains of the wax are leaving the flame as smoke, so the living organism keeps its shape in spite of the constant replacement by synthesis and degradation of the molecules that compose it. The continuous movement of blood was one of the earliest examples of this activity, examined by Harvey in the 17th century. We now know of innumerable others. Skin is continually being renewed by growth from below and many other types of tissue are similarly replaced.

 

This phenomenon is described as the process of turnover and is a reflection of events at the chemical level. The concept of chemical turnover is now the mainstay of biology.

 

There is a constant flow of energy and materials into, through and out of the cells. Nevertheless, the cells persist as a whole, despite the continual turnover of materials, which compose them. At successive times, the cells may look the same and they may contain the same numbers and kinds of molecules and atoms. But the individual components are not the same ones; some have moved out or have broken down, and others have moved in or have been newly formed. Components at all levels, atoms, molecules, cells and organisms are appearing and disappearing, but continuity of properties is conserved nevertheless. Like a candle-flame or a waterfall, living substance endures despite the continuous replacement of components. Furthermore, killing an organism in order to make it fit our inadequate analytical methods is like putting out a candle-flame in order to study the process of burning.

 

If the matter of the body is continually changing, we cannot expect to be able to describe the characteristics of life in terms of the properties of particular substances. However, specification of chemical units ranging in organisation from organs to pure chemicals is our only means of studying the systems of living things. As yet, we have no means of studying the enormous complicated network of activities that constitutes a single life and we can only attempt to do this by bringing together information collected by various specialists: the morphologists, geneticists, embryologists, physiologists, biophysicists and biochemists. Put another way, when making any observations, whether by dissection, with a microscope, a test-tube, an oscilloscope or respirometer, it is necessary continually to think back to the time when the tissue was active in some living body and to frame the observation so that it shall reveal something significant of that activity. This means that every worker in the biological sciences should know as much as possible of the life or the whole organism with which he deals and must certainly be aware of the nature of the population from which the specimen was taken. Many biologists, particularly those working with molecules, often ignore this latter point. It is true that each living thing is defined by its own chemical pattern, but the specific pattern of life is not necessarily to be found in any one individual, still less in the parts of an individual. The unit of life is that which tends to be preserved through time and is, therefore, the whole inter-breeding population, and it is in his dealings with populations that the biologist is distinguished from other scientists.

 

To summarise, the way to study wallflowers, rats or men is first and foremost, to examine them whole, to see how their actions serve to meet the requirements of the environment and so allow the preservation of the life of the individual and race. Then, with this knowledge of how the animal ‘uses’ its parts, we are able to make more detailed studies down to the molecular level and show how, together, the activities form a single scheme of action.

Action is the characteristic feature of living, compared with lifeless, matter. To most people, animals are generally more lively than plants. Even when asleep, an animal is breathing, its heart is beating and brain pulsing. The waking life, of course, shows this restless action even more clearly. It is at this level of ‘animals-alive’ that we see the side of biology that is most interesting to the bulk of humanity. However, to make sense of animals alone or in groups is very difficult and it is no accident that it is more often found that the easier path is taken and we spend our time examining the structure and chemistry of the dead.

 

 

Should there by divisions?

Following the line of defining zoology, there remains the problem as to the fundamental difference between plants and animals. Why do we call this organism a plant and this an animal? Most people would not hesitate, but would say that the animal moved, whereas the plant did not; that the animal was conscious, while the plant was not; that the animal devoured its food while the plant absorbed its nutriment from its surroundings. None of these criteria, however, are absolute.

 

Many animals, like corals or sea squirts are as rooted to the spot as most plants, while some undoubted plants move about. With regard to consciousness, no one could assert with confidence that a sponge, an undoubted animal, possessed a higher level of consciousness than a mushroom or a wallflower. On the point of nutrition, many animal parasites absorb their food from the medium, which surrounds them. The only valid distinction between plants and animals is concerned with the type of foodstuffs, which they can utilise.

 

At a chemical level, it has been found that the pathways by which the primary products of photosynthesis, the sugars, are utilised are identical in both plants and animals. Plants differ from animals in possessing chlorophyll and the pathways for turning carbon dioxide into sugar.

 

All of the differences with which we are familiar, between higher plants and higher animals, are purely secondary to the difference in nutrition. The fact that green plants can obtain food from water and air without special search has led to their developing great feeding surfaces such as the leaves and roots. The fact that animals have to find their food ready-made has led to their developing mouths and stomachs to catch and hold the food, and limbs to move from place to place in search for more.

 

The fact of locomotion has, in its turn, made necessary the development of sense organs, nervous system and brain. But all hinges on the first difference in nutrition.

 

Contrasting animals with plants, we see that it is not immaterial where one takes one’s cells from, to put into the test-tube. At the levels of cells, organs and organisms, botany and zoology are as distinct as chemistry and physics. Despite this natural cleavage between departmental subjects we must ask whether the separation goes deeper than it should.

 

Although biology is not a well-defined body of knowledge, it is possible to write an elementary curriculum, which, with minor changes, could be studied with reference to plants, animals or microbes. This has been realised in schools and the single subject, biology, is gradually replacing botany and zoology as two separate subjects at A-level. This emphasis on the similarities of living things has also been used to bring biology into the universities. However, for most people, the interest of biology lies in its diversity. Universal similarity is limited and makes the diversity more remarkable.

 

Certain broad laws have a general application throughout both the animal and vegetable worlds, but the ground common to these kingdoms of Nature is not of very wide extent and the multiplicity of details is so great that the student of living things soon finds himself obliged to devote his attention exclusively either to one or the other. So, although animals, plants and microbes may be unified through their chemistry and biochemistry is a major and active field of discovery, biochemistry is not synonymous with the whole of biology. The mathematical crystallographer and the endocrinologist cannot contribute to biology until a problem is posed at the level of the whole organism. Also, the results of molecular biology are sterile until ploughed back into botany or zoology. Because of this, we must strengthen the classical regimes for themselves alone, and also because they hold problems awaiting solution at a chemical level.

 

Despite this plea for the maintenance of the major working divisions of botany, zoology and microbiology, there are great dangers where these divisions are established in the university departmental system. The greatest failing is that departments prevent the spread of ideas. They also often impede the development of co-operative teaching. If these academic disadvantages were not enough, the departmental system generates a ‘them and us’ mentality, which shows the academic at his very worst – intent on fending off other departments in terms of space and students. It is unlikely that these social difficulties can be completely eliminated. They arise from the institutional-professional organisation of modern science, where motivation chiefly involves question of status and financial reward, and where inter-personal relationships may easily come to dominate the co-operation at the personal level, through joint teaching and research, and also the communal sharing of lecture and laboratory facilities.

 

 

The value of zoology

We are constantly exposed to the term ‘science’ and, in general, science is highly regarded. It is an inextricable part of our lives and impinges on our comfort. At the same time, although science is the most influential of the forces shaping our world, the aims and limitations of science are little understood by most people. This lack of understanding is disquieting because we are an integral part of a biological world, which is increasingly dominated by man’s scientific activities. The best way to understand the scope and aims of science is to become immersed in it for a time, providing sufficient reason for anyone taking a university science course and reading a biological subject in particular.

 

Zoology is a well-defined academic pursuit, which impinges on many other disciplines. But what is the use of studying zoology at the university? A student wonders, and properly so, how the subjects taught can have personal significance. Many students who enrolled in a course of zoology have different interests, purposes in enrolment and goals. In teaching students science, we have not to debate whether we should produce specialists or the educated man. An essential function of the university involves the production of both. In general, we should aim at an education, which sets out to present the basic ideas that express the civilisation of our time. These days, in any career which involves making decisions or the prediction of future events, a deep understanding of the scientific method is likely to be as helpful, if not more so, than an academic knowledge I gained in the arts faculty. The intellectual processes required to understand science are no different from those needed to follow a course, say, in history, but the scientific method offers a more powerful tool for controlling the human environment than the historian’s method. If only from this viewpoint, we must try to find ways to giving a deep appreciation of science to an increasing number of students who will never be scientists themselves, but who will be living in a world shaped in many ways by the ideas of science, as well as by the material products of scientific technology.

 

Two hundred years ago, the age of Newtonian physics had reached its zenith. This was to be followed by the age of chemistry and science was rapidly elevated to a dominant prestigious position in human society simply because it offered ways of controlling the environment for the benefit of most people.

 

It is not generally appreciated that science cannot be studied as a so-called ‘pure’ intellectual pursuit without at the same time opening up possibilities for applying the new knowledge for good or evil. This is particularly true for discoveries made by the experimental method. Consider a scientist from another planet faced for the first time with a working petrol engine. He asks the pure disinterested question ‘How does this object work?’. He sees three tubes carrying different fluids into the engine, water, oil and petrol. The first question is framed in a more specific form ‘Are these fluids essential to the working of the engine ?’ Scientists generally ask questions on a day-to-day basis rather than frame hypotheses. An appropriate hypothesis would be ‘these fluids are not essential to the working of the engine’. To answer the question and test the hypothesis, the machine has to be tampered with; in turn, the flow of each fluid has to be stopped and the machine observed for evidence of failure. To safeguard against failure occurring due to reasons other than the scientist’s specific manipulation, a second engine identical in all respects to the first and running alongside it must be observed during the same time interval. By comparing the operation of the latter ‘control’ engine with that of the ‘test’ engine, it would be concluded that petrol in some way provides the motive power. The question has been answered, the hypothesis has been tested and the scientist’s curiosity satisfied. However, the way is now open for anyone with access to this new knowledge to exploit the discovery; the scientist has provided a way of controlling the working of the engine through regulating the flow of petrol into it.

 

It is easy to demonstrate the applied aspects of ‘pure’ research in the physical sciences. Biological knowledge offers greater potential for controlling the lives of all organisms on this planet. Birth control pills originated in fundamental discoveries motivated by the question ‘How is it that reproduction is a cyclic phenomenon?’ This question has been largely answered by endocrinologists and ‘the pill’ is now influencing the social and economic aspects of our society. How will our lives be affected when questions such as ‘What is the nature of the ageing process?’ and ‘What is memory?’ have been answered.

 

In a healthy society, we can neither stop the questions of fundamental research being asked nor disallow the acquisition of certain kinds of because knowledge/of its possible social consequences. Scientific activities are an important part of man’ s biological heritage. Presumably the capacity for scientific thought, which relies on unique information – acquiring ‘and ‘information – organising processes, evolved with man, enabling him to adapt successfully to the environment. Science is increasingly becoming the principal means of adaptation for civilised man. We can and should prepare the ground for the assimilation of new knowledge and it is here that education plays a major role. We are now so much enmeshed in socialised science that a universal understanding of the basis of science, particularly as it bears on animals, is necessary so that man may adapt to the results of his scientific enterprises.

 

In the case of zoology, man is not apart from the study, but an integral part of it. An educated person should know about himself; this is one of the obvious values of a study in zoology. Man is composed of the same basic units of structure, which are found in other organisms. Man also carries on the same basic functions. He starts out life in the same way and he arrives at his morphological form by the same process.

 

That man is composed of the same basic units of structure and function as other animals can be appreciated by studying a variety of animals as well as man. During such a study, the student will discover that although the various animals are basically alike in structure and function, they differ considerably in body form and nutritional requirements. Unity of plan and diversity of execution is the lesson of comparative anatomy. These differences have resulted in many kinds of habitat requirements and many different ways of obtaining food. As a result, the student finds that all kinds of organisms are interdependent in a series of nutritive links (predator-prey, host-parasite) and that if this were not so, life on this planet would have ceased long ago. Furthermore, the student finds that animals can be grouped into several large groups, the members of each group being obviously very much alike. But the extent of the relationship reaches beyond that found within these large groups – relationships can be seen between the large groups. Thus, the student will be introduced to the principle of organic evolution. Probably no other biological generalisation has had more effect on man’s thinking than this one. Yet no person can intelligently understand and discuss the validity and implications of this concept without a broad sound base in zoology.

 

There can be little doubt that Darwin initiated an intellectual revolution in 1859 by publishing the Origin of Species. Historians are aware that many factors were responsible for the general public reaction to this book. However, two reasons for the reaction seem outstanding. First of all, the concept of evolution emerged as being in direct opposition to the literal interpretation of the biblical account of Creation. The second factor and one that was more fully emphasised in a later book by Darwin, ‘The Descent of Man’, was that man had non-human ancestors, so reducing his biological nature to the level of other higher animals.

 

Today, one only occasionally encounters a person who refuses to accept the animal nature of man. The evidence is held secure within zoology, where it may be examined by students without prejudice. Zoology, therefore, stresses man’s close genetic kinship with other animals and sets him at one with Nature.

 

It is because man is an integral part of nature that he cannot, in fact, conserve nature. The consequences of everything we do from painting a house to emptying sewage into the ocean are a part of nature. Man only stands apart from Nature in this respect, in that he can observe the whole of the natural world at a particular stage and say that certain species or natural features are worth preserving for aesthetic or practical reasons, or for the addition of knowledge which can be made from their study. The integration of man with nature and the demonstration of purpose and design in living things have resulted in zoology being at the centre of the most profound revolution in man’s outlook on nature in the history of modern civilisation. It also incidentally places zoologists at the centre of the modern conservation movement.

During his time as an undergraduate, it is particularly important that the student should not cut himself off from fields other than his own. Furthermore, it is very desirable that the student, in seeking a broad generalised education, should attempt to relate his several studies to each other, regardless of how much he may specialise later. Zoology holds the key to a number of inter-disciplinary doors, not least to those, which open into the behavioural and social sciences.

 

Man is a social organism; he lives in groups. In attempting to understand the behaviour and interrelationships of men, psychologists and sociologists are gathering information from observation and experimentation. Some understanding of the nervous system, glands and other organs is necessary for the study of psychology. Some knowledge of the laws of inheritance and the principles of ecology is important for studies in sociology. Without question most inherited differences among human beings are those that produce effects of extremely low adaptive significance. Nevertheless, the mere fact that such small differences in heredity exist in abundance is of the greatest importance in human affairs. They are the basis for divisions within the human population, which are made on the grounds of differences in physical and mental performance. In this regard, surely it is through zoology that a true appreciation of science will come to the so-called social sciences.

 

Although zoology has probably had its greatest impact upon society through the realm of ideas associated with the theory of evolution, it has always been important from the practical standpoint. Man himself is an organism and the principles and laws that he formulates usually have a bearing on his own welfare. Medical research has utilised this principle very effectively through the experimental approach based on the reactions of laboratory animals to conditions set by the researcher.

 

In addition, there are many other areas that have direct and practical applications in everyday life. The fields of agriculture, conservation of natural resources, public health and so forth, all of which are integral parts of our civilisation, are based on zoological knowledge.

 

As a specific example of the scope of zoology, consider a writer preparing a novel of social criticism of the mid-twentieth century. Such a work may involve discussions of germ warfare, pollution of the biosphere, birth control, control of the development of individuals, thought control, and psychomimetic drugs. Such a novel would fail to carry its message if the author did not understand the fundamental zoology involved in these problems. In the same way, some background in zoology is important to poets, artists, civil servants, legislators, financiers, historians and dramatists.

 

In summary, the scope of zoology is unlimited. No matter what is the future area of specialisation, every student will find the study of zoology valuable, not only in its application to himself as a member of the animal kingdom, but as a source of understanding in almost any field of work or study.

 

 

Where have all the animals gone?

In 1998, in a foreword to a comprehensive illustrated guide for the classification of animals in relation to all other forms of life, Stephen Jay Gould wrote, “modern training in zoology is now so full of abstract theory that old-fashioned knowledge of organic diversity has, unfortunately taken a back seat“.  In fact zoology as the specialised study of the anatomical diversity of animals and their development had reached its apogee a century earlier.  Since then, animals in all their variety of sizes, shapes, lifestyles and interrelationships have gradually disappeared from the education system. 

Zoology may be traced back to the first dissectionists of the Italian Renaissance who explored the human body, such as Michelangelo and Marcello Malpighi.  Renaissance zoology was synonymous with comparative anatomy, which gradually become an obligatory part of preliminary courses for medical students.  University departments of zoology, often with their integral departmental museum of bones and stuffed skins, continued this tradition as the lynch pin of first year medical education until the 1960s. 

One of the first student texts to support the study of zoology was ‘Zoological science, or, Nature in living form: adapted to elucidate the chart of the animal kingdom’.  This was published in the United States by Anna Maria Redfield in 1858, and the remainder of the century saw a proliferation of textbooks, which reinforced the type system of teaching, where dissections of frogs, earthworms, cockroaches, crayfish, dogfish and rabbits constituted the main practical work. An important textbook marker of the academic history of zoology in the United Kingdom is Gilbert Bourne’s two-volume student text ‘ An introduction to the study of the comparative anatomy of animals’.  First published in 1900, it ran into six editions, the last revision of nearly 700 pages being published in 1919.   By this time, zoology was well established as a distinct university subject leading to a named honours degree.   It is significant that Bourne’s book did not include zoology in the title.  Although comparative anatomy dominated zoology lectures and practicals, other functional divisions of animal life, such as parasitology and limnology were often additional obligatory courses.

Gilbert Bourne was the fifth Linacre Professor of Zoology in the University of Oxford from 1906 to 1921.  His department traced its origins to 1857, the foundation coinciding with the opening of the University Museum, where zoological research and teaching were then based. George Rolleston, the first holder of the Linacre Chair, had been given responsibility for the zoological collections at the Museum, other than the entomology collections, which remained as a separate department.  This highlights a common thread in university zoology where departments tended to crystallise around mounted skeletons of vertebrates, which had been collected by private enthusiasts who were usually medical doctors.

The University of London has a prior claim to zoology as a science in that the first professor was appointed in 1836 in the ‘Department of General Literature and Science’. Zoology was taught in the ‘Evening Classes Department’ at King’s College from 1861 and Comparative Anatomy and Zoology in the ‘Medical Department’ from 1874. The subsequent history of King’s College is a general model for the development of the subject.  Animal Biology was a component of the ‘Department of Physiology, Practical Physiology and Histology’ in the Faculty of Science until ‘Zoology and Animal Biology’ emerged as a department in the Faculty of Science in 1901.   This department was incorporated into the new School of Biological Studies in 1964 that also comprised the departments of ‘Biochemistry’, ‘Biophysics’, ‘Botany’ and ‘Physiology’. This prevailed until the merger of King’s, Chelsea College and Queen Elizabeth College in 1985, when ‘Zoology and Animal Biology’ was absorbed within an enlarged ‘Department of Biology’.  The latter was part of the Faculty of Life Sciences, and, from 1991, successively part of the Biosphere and Life Sciences Divisions of the ‘School of Life, Basic Medical and Health Sciences’. Since 1998 it has been part of the Division of Life Sciences in the School of Health and Life Sciences.

The absorption of zoology into biology requires some explanation.  Beginning with the first discoveries of microscopy, the cell theory of biological organization emerged expressing the idea that plant and animal cells have many structures in common and are, to some degree, autonomous vital units. Just how much autonomy cells possess was a matter of serious debate in the decades surrounding the turn of the nineteenth century. The idea of cell autonomy was most strikingly expressed in the “theory of the cell state,” an idea based upon the metaphorical conception of higher plants and animals as social colonies of cells.  The concept of biology in its modern sense was propounded independently by Gottfried Reinhold Treviranus (Biologie oder Philosophie der lebenden Natur) and Lamarck (Hydrogologie). The word had been coined in 1800 by Karl Friedrich Burdach. Ultimately, beginning in the first decades of the twentieth century, the metaphor of the cell as an autonomous citizen within a larger social body lost its allure.  Biochemical and physiological investigations began to displace morphological and evolutionary considerations of organisms and cells in both zoology and botany. After the Second World War, when biochemistry matured as a professional discipline, another metaphor came to dominate, one more suited to particular types of interdisciplinary questions being pursued by a new breed of cross-subject investigators, who described the cell as a “chemical factory”.

Modern biology is a broad church and the most wide-ranging of all the sciences. The subject goes from the chemistry of the cell to the ecology of hunter-gatherers, from mammoth fossils to the causes of human mental depression, and from butterfly taxonomy to the treatment of cancer by gene therapy.   Historically, biology was forged in an academic battleground centred on the unity of all life forms at the level of cell structure and the fundamental biochemical reactions that sustain it.  From the early 1950s research into the unity of life at the cellular and biochemical levels was the cutting edge of the life sciences and molecular unity was reinforced by the discovery of the significance of DNA as life’s universal chemical blueprint.  In the same period, the concepts of ecology and animal behaviour also provided new principles that unify life forms as diverse as bacteria and human societies within the theory of evolution.  The subject of biology has expanded to include all of this knowledge and thereby is able to provide unifying principles to cross the old academic boundaries that separated plants, animals and microbes. 

However, the time available to teach undergraduates has not increased so that inevitably there is less space in the curriculum for what Stephen Gould called old-fashioned knowledge of organic diversity.  For those wishing to specialise, zoology, botany and microbiology have now almost disappeared from academic institutions and been replaced by ‘biology’ with its many flavours.  Within the few remaining zoology departments the emphasis is on the ecological and behavioural dimensions of animals, and applications of their cell biology and biochemistry to medicine, agriculture and wildlife conservation.

My own pathway to zoology opened after a random collision with a book in my school library entitled ‘Attending marvels: a Patagonian Journal’.  This was the account by George Gaylord Simpson of his travel adventures during a year of fossil collecting in South America in 1930-31.  He went to Patagonia at the age of 28 to study fossils of peculiar species never found on any other continent. Readers with and without an interest in vertebrate palaeontology can enjoy his report on the trip because of the author’s humour, a keen interest in unfossilized, or only partially fossilized, human nature, and a good narrative style, as well as a gift for getting into exciting situations. Take for example this excerpt recounting his early work in Patagonia:

The fossil hunter does not kill; he resurrects. And the result of his sport is to add to the sum of human pleasure and to the treasures of human knowledge.”

He was happy to spend all his intellectual efforts on animals and mammals in particular because:

“…despite abundant differences in detail the principles of plant evolution are generally the same as those of animal evolution.  Man is an animal, so that animal evolution is usually more interesting to him and is also more likely to have meaning for him and to elucidate his place in the cosmos.  For the same reasons, discussion of the meaning of evolution for man may properly emphasise the vertebrates among animals and the mammals among vertebrates”

A very important influence on my choice of a career in science was Charles Kingsley’s book, “Madam How and Lady Why.” Although I did not know it at the time, this was also a strong influence in turning the young George Simpson towards science.

‘To that remarkable work I can trace very definitely and without doubt, not only my first understanding, however dim then, of the scientific method and, more distinctly but equally surely, the vague beginnings of a scientific philosophy’.

Kingsley wrote” Water Babies” and especially “Madam How and Lady Why” to encourage children to use their own eyes and reason to give understanding and meaning to the world around them.

However, I have to say I was seduced from zoology to biochemistry by another newer publication, which sat on the same shelf as Simpson, ‘An Introduction to Biochemistry’, by William Robert Fearon, which was published in 1946.   Fearon’s message was that future prizes lay with the discovery of how energy was captured and used by cells.   So it turned out that I eventually arrived in the laboratory of the Nobel Laureate, Hans Krebs, in Oxford, where I joined his team to work on the comparative biochemistry of oxidative metabolism.

I did eventually reach the animals of academe when I was appointed to the Chair of Zoology in the University of Wales at Cardiff.  It is a significant historical marker that the reference to anatomy had been quietly dropped from the department’s previous title of ‘zoology and comparative anatomy’.  After I gave up the headship of the department in the 1980s it was merged with Applied Biology, Botany and Microbiology into a School of Biological Sciences.  What follows is my inaugural lecture entitled ‘The Scope of Zoology’, in which I set out the importance of zoology as the subject I was responsible for in 1969. 

One among many

Wednesday, June 20th, 2007

This year is the fortieth anniversary of my trip to the Amazon rainforest as a participant in an expedition organised by the U.S. Scripps Institute of Oceanography in San Diego, California.  I have been asked, as one of the few survivors of that era, to write about those times and say how my academic view of Nature was affected by the Amazonian environment at a time when its wildness was coming under increased pressures of economic development.
 
Getting to the heart of the jungle
 
The gathering point was Duke University, where our leader, Knut Schmidt-Neilsen was a professor of biology. From Duke in North Carolina, we made our way by air via New York to Belém, one of Brazil’s busiest ports, about 60 miles upriver from the Atlantic ocean. The river here is called the Pará, part of the greater Amazon river system.  Belém is built on a number of small islands intersected by channels and other rivers.  Founded in 1616, it was the first European colony on the Amazon.  Belem sits at one of the two mouths of the river; the other, and larger one, is 200 miles farther north, exactly on the equator.  Between the two mouths is the huge island of Marajo.  The magnitude of the Amazon is unimaginable; it delivers more fresh water into the ocean than all the other rivers of the world combined.  Its flow extends a hundred miles into the Atlantic before becoming mixed with the salt water of the ocean.  Inland, the river does not have just a single channel but takes many courses depending upon the season of the year when it drains the flood waters from the eastern slopes of the Andes mountains. 
 
We took a light aircraft from Belém about 800 miles inland, following the Amazon westwards to Manaus to join the research vessel Alpha Helix. We cruised just above cloud level which provided a birds-eye view of the vastness of the river embedded in a flat tree-clothed landscape, intersected by numerous river channels, for the most part with no sign of human habitation.  As we came closer to Manaus we could clearly see ‘the meeting of the waters’.  This is a visual expression of the river a few miles upstream from Manaus.  From the air you can clearly see the warmer and darker water of the Negro river running side by side with the yellow silty Solimões without mixing.
 
From 1890 to 1920, Manaus was a rubber boomtown.  Brazil was the ecological home of the rubber tree and the country had a monopoly of rubber latex.  For a relatively short time the plantation owners became extravagantly wealthy and the town prospered. Immigrants from north-eastern Brazil, fleeing drought and poverty, flooded Manaus, seeking riches in the rubber trade.
 
In contrast to the hand to mouth existence of its workers, the upper class created the Teatro Amazonas, an opera house opened in 1896.  It is still a notable landmark of 19th century European city culture of the time.  By 1884, construction was ready to begin under the Italian architect Celestial Sacardim, who planned for the theatre in the Renaissance style to be state of the art and to include electric lighting.  Work proceeded slowly and intermittently over fifteen years. Roofing tiles came from Alsace, while from Paris, came furniture and furnishings in the style of Louis XV. From Italy came Carrarra marble for the stairs, statues, and columns. Steel walls were ordered from England. The theatre has 198 chandeliers, including 32 of top quality Venetian Murano glass, all elaborations of human ingenuity fast tracked from European times when the first flint was spit to make a cutting tool.  The stage curtain, with its painting the “Meeting of the Waters” created in Paris by Crispim do Amaral, depicts the junction of the Rio Negro and the Solimões.  The first performance occurred on 7 January 1897 with the Italian opera, La Gioconda, by Amilcare Ponchielli being performed in an oasis of the European Renaissance surrounded by unexplored rainforest known as the ‘green hell’.  This was a hinge of human history; a symbol of the conquest of Nature through the march of European civilisation.
 
By 1920, synthetic rubber and the growth of British plantations, resulting from the smuggling of the Brazilian rubber tree to Malaya, caused a drastic plunge in the price of rubber, and Manaus declined into poverty.
 
Today Manaus is a free trade zone and the financial centre of North Brazil. When we arrived, this zone had recently been inaugurated by a Brazilian nation determined to convert its wastelands into a productive asset.  They had started with the river itself and it was commonplace to see handfuls of gold dredged from the bed of the Amazon changing hands in the hotel foyer.  Already, cattle ranching had begun and soil erosion was adding to the silt burden of the Solimões.  In the 1960s the main links were by river and air.  Talk about superhighways has now come to pass.  The north-south Trans Amazonian highway passes through Manaus and there is a connection from this arterial road to Belem.
 
At Manaus, we joined the research vessel Alpha Helix and headed upstream for the expedition’s destination, a small island at the confluence of the Rio Negro and the Rio Branco. Here there is a meeting of the waters in miniature.  The two rivers have contrasting chemistries, offering two fresh water ecosystems in which to study the various ways aquatic organisms have adapted to these differences.  ‘Evolution in freshwater’ was the theme of our expedition.
 
The Alpha Helix
 
The Alpha Helix was a modern, ocean-going, research vessel with laboratories, which provided both standard and specialized equipment. The ship was constructed and equipped so that was it was possible to place a biological research laboratory in any part of the world. Through the aid of this vessel physiologists and biochemists could carry on research programmes, with both sophisticated laboratories and other logistic support, in geographical areas where many investigations would otherwise be impossible.
 
The idea for this ship and its design originated with Dr. P. F. Scholander of the Scripps Institution, and at his suggestion it was designated as a National Facility, for use of scientists from the United States and elsewhere. It was built with financial support from the National Science Foundation and was managed by Scripps.  Our team was drawn from the USA, Canada, France, Denmark and Brazil.
 
The boat was a converted Pacific tuna trawler about 130 feet long. Its hull had been strengthened for use in Arctic ice, and was air conditioned for use in the tropics.  It had modern navigation and communication equipment, and in addition to the well-equipped laboratories, it carried collecting gear, and prefabricated shore laboratories, which could be set up and used to increase the research capacity of the ship. It also carried a number of small workboats powered by outboard motors and a 24-foot cabin cruiser for more extended side trips. The design provided a large, fully equipped laboratory on the main deck.  For our purposes a small flying boat was also available to deliver mail, although during my stay it was seldom airworthy.
 
In this relative comfort, isolation, and exotic environment, ten scientists at a time could obtain a productive period of experimental work on organisms not easily available otherwise, as well as the stimulating company of their colleagues, all specialists in their own areas. Imagine ten scientists sitting around the breakfast table discussing yesterday’s observations and last night’s experiments. Before starting the day’s work they step out on the rear fantail of the Alpha Helix, which is covered with aquaria and cages of animals and specimens brought in during yesterday’s collection. Then back into the air-conditioned lab for their experimental and analytical work. The morning activity is interrupted briefly by lunch, and the lab work or animal collection continues until just before the evening meal when again, imagine ten scientists in deckchairs gazing westwards towards the setting sun as it sinks through a towering mass of thunderhead clouds, each lost in his own thoughts.  Dinner was followed by a seminar and further work in the lab. Apart from visiting the group that was allocated the prefabricated hut on the sandbank, there was no going ashore for walks through the jungle, which was impenetrable.  I managed to join up with a bat expert from the University of Florida and was thereby able to visit clearings by the river at dusk where the bat nets had been set up.  This was the height of the rainy season and the river was at its maximum height.  Looking back, a small error in navigation or a failure of the outboard motor could have had us totally lost, drifting in a mass of islands looking in vain for the small pinpoints of light that indicated the presence of the Alpha Helix, the only haven in hundreds of square miles of a watery wilderness. 
 
The “Alpha Helix” was in a very real way a measure of America’s economic success from four centuries of decimating its northern woodlands and prairies.  As a generous but extravagant gift to the world it was an unsustainable gesture to pure science.  Cocooned in my air conditioned segment of United States urban culture, living on thick steaks and frozen vegetables, every so often I had to remind myself that the life expectancy of the local Brazilians in their small riverside clearings was in the mid forties.  The nearest hospital was a day’s journey down river and for most of the native inhabitants of the Amazon there was no access to medical services at all.  One of our local animal catchers with pneumonia was cured overnight with one or two shots of our antibiotics. If we were not there he would, more likely than not, have died.
 
The Rio Negro
 
Even at noon, the river was so black that at a depth of a few inches light penetration was only one-tenth as bright as light on its surface. At two feet it is only one-hundredth as bright; at six feet. there is no light at all. Fish had evolved a non-visual communication system that consisted of making a language based on electrical clicks.  One of these fish caught in our nets turned out to be a new species of fresh water stingray. 
 
Unlike the Amazon’s clear-water tributaries, the Rio Negro does not originate primarily in mountains flowing rapidly through relatively narrow channels, but meanders sluggishly across flatland, jungle and swamp areas. Each year at flood stage it overflows its banks, while draining some 253,000 sq. miles. A Texan told me, that its tributaries covered an area almost as vast as that of his home state. In the process, its waters dissolve untold quantities of plant juices and tree sap. These function as a natural insecticide and are responsible for the river being relatively free of water dwelling insects.
 
The jungle
 
My first impression of the forest was something of a let down.  I expected to see a riot of tropical flowers, parrots and at least hear the howls of spider monkeys.  Superficially it resembled quiet, neglected overgrown British woodland. However, the insects did not disappoint.  They were everywhere and provided a quiet, steady background of humming, squeaking and chirping throughout the day.
 
On closer inspection almost every tree was a different species.  This points up the biological diversity of the region, which is staggering when you concentrate on a local study of any group of animals and plants in detail.  Settling down to butterfly collecting for example, it is usual to see around 300 different kinds in a day. On a good day you might count between four and five hundred, and you would not have to travel more than a third of a mile in any direction to see them.  Although there are many species, there are not many individuals.  This accounts for the jungle’s low visual impact.   Although it is possible to collect more individuals of a given family of butterflies in a day than the total number of species in the whole of North America, the bag would comprise no more than half a dozen specimens of the commonest species and a single specimen would represent most of the rest.  Butterflies, bats and rodents are particularly diverse and represent a surge in biodiversity that occurred in response to a regional burst of evolution of plant life.
 
The science
 
My short stay on the Rio Negro changed my academic mind-set and future career path.  I went to the Amazon as a technology orientated biochemist to work on the chemical evolution of Amazon freshwater stingrays.  As it is presently understood, rays go back through the fossil record some 400 million years, surviving at least four global mass extinctions that caused the loss of 80% of the planet’s larger animals.  Taxonomists and others endlessly debate the particulars. Although they pre-date our own evolution by hundreds of millions of years, our distant relationship with the rays can be traced through our blood chemistry.
 
The evolution of life from a single starter cell, something like a bacterium, is written in the composition of the fluids of our cells and the blood that bathes them.  Their chemistry tells us that we are descendants of aquatic vertebrates and are able to survive on land because we can make the substance urea to package our waste nitrogen for excretion.  In contrast, our aquatic ancestors used ammonia for this purpose, a much simpler but more toxic substance for land dwellers because of the limited amounts of water available to flush it out of the body.  The freshwater rays of the Amazon are a key species in these respects, because their marine cousins have high levels of urea in their blood which stops them becoming dehydrated in the high salt environment.  Its function is to keep the body fluids in balance with the high concentration of sea salts in which, as obligatory ocean dwellers, they are immersed.  It was my task to unravel this mystery. My conclusion was that a common ancestor of the rays with a salty blood, first evolved in the sea, where it excreted ammonia.  A new form evolved which entered freshwater and coped with the lower salt content of rivers by lowering the salt content of its blood. It then learned to make urea and was able to return to the sea using urea to concentrate its blood back to the level in other marine animals. The rays of the Amazon were the outcome of a fourth bout of evolution and had been able to re-enter the river system, no doubt adapting to the massive flows of fresh water into the ocean environment, by ceasing to make urea.
 
Regarding the ecology of these fish, even today there is still a lack of adequate information on their life histories for most species of the family, which prevents precise assessments of their conservation status. In general this highlights a gap in the ecological knowledge of the expedition because all of us were either biochemists or physiologists.  The ecology of the river was a closed book.   Now, there is direct evidence of human impact on the rays, including habitat degradation from river damming and mining, as well as the ornamental fish trade, pressures that have led to a growing concern for the survival of several species. So far, five of Amazonia’s freshwater rays have been cited in the international ‘Red List’ as threatened species.
 
This was my main project, but I also took the opportunity to find out why turtles are able to survive, buried in mud at the bottom of the river without oxygen, and studied what triggered the legendary ferocious behaviour of the Red Piranha.  In both of these projects I was slipping away from laboratory experimentation towards the realm of ecology.
 
Surprisingly, because of the limited time available for preparation and execution, the trip was very productive in terms of the research, but more importantly in the long run it began a process of connecting me with a greater scheme of things. Sitting high in the prow of the Alpha Helix, gazing through the incoming multicoloured storm clouds towards the Andes, I learned to see myself as part of a gigantic web of life.  I began to lose the fetters of the western worldview, which since the first Neolithic farmers has regarded humans as separate and above Nature. We do not really need close proximity to jungles to appreciate this, but it is easier there in the presence of so much to wonder at.  Losing ourselves in the heady aroma of sun-warmed bracken of a Welsh hillside, paddling through the lap of ocean waves or delighting in watching small birds chatter and play, can loosen the narrow worldview and bring us closer to Nature and to a more fundamental human nature. At the core of oneness with Nature are the spiritual, ethical and moral questions about who we are and how we want to live in the world.
 
Becoming more myself
 
Looking back I can see that I was really only becoming ‘more myself’ because, although I could not articulate it at the time, my boyhood collections of bees and butterflies made when cycling through the Lincolnshire Wolds was really my fundamental mind set.  It was diverted into studying the mechanics of life through an academic education, which stressed the importance of working at the new chemical frontiers of biology with the best mentors that you could persuade to take you on
 
In Amazonia I was but a tiny speck out-numbered by Other Beings.  They carried the message that people should always be conscious that they are part of the natural world, inextricably tied to vast complicated biophysical systems that sustain their lives. Although I hardly touched the forest’s time scale of life there were signs everywhere that it was in constant flux.  A seed germinates and a stunted seedling battles for decades against the dense shade.  Then the buttress roots of some ancient tree fail and it falls, letting a shaft of light strike the forest floor.  The long suppressed seedling suddenly enters into the full vigour of delayed youth, grows rapidly from sapling to maturity, declines into the uncertainty of senility through many centuries, dropping millions of seeds upon the rotting debris of its own ancestors, only one of which ripens another generation. 
 
Any other way of looking at Nature that encourages us to believe we are separate from it is likely to reinforce environmentally irresponsible behaviour.   Being in the Amazon forced me to quickly recognize and honour nonhuman Nature as a world we did not create, a world with its own independent, nonhuman reasons for being as it is. The interests of people cannot be identical to those of every other creature of the earth.  To take the opposite attitude is bound to foster irresponsible behaviour. In reminding me of the world we did not make, the Amazon raised profound feelings of humility and respect.  These are lessons for confronting our fellow beings and the earth itself, helping us set responsible limits to human mastery.  Places with wild things are, symbolically at least, where we should focus our education and discover practical ways to try to withhold our power to dominate.
 
Wallace Stegner once wrote of:
 
“the special human mark, the special record of human passage, that distinguishes man from all other species. It is rare enough among men, impossible to any other form of life. It is simply the deliberate and chosen refusal to make any marks at all. . . . We are the most dangerous species of life on the planet, and every other species, even the earth itself, has cause to fear our power to exterminate. But we are also the only species which, when it chooses to do so, will go to great effort to save what it might destroy”.
 
Up until the 1960s the myth of Amazon was encapsulated in its vastness.  It is so immense in all respects that it appeared that we could somehow leave Nature untouched by our passage, but this is an illusion.  As living beings, we cannot help leaving marks on the world and the more people multiply the bigger the marks.  Our dilemma is to decide what kinds of marks we wish to leave. In the broadest sense, the Amazon teaches us to ask whether the Other must always bend to our will, and, if not, under what circumstances it should be allowed to flourish along with our interventions. In the 1960s, destruction of the region’s wildness was already evident in the large-scale logging, damming and dredging, with no thought for the Other. But this was just a continuation of what had begun when the first Native Americans crossed through Panama about fifty millennia ago.  When Europeans founded Belém, thousands of years of slash and burn had made its mark through incorporating the forest into the human food chain.
 
When we contemplate the wildness of other beings of land water and air we find their Otherness compels our attention. In forcing us to acknowledge that they are not of our making, that they have little or no need of our continued existence, they recall for us a creation far greater than our own. In the diversity of the Amazon, we need no reminder that a tree has its own reasons for being, quite apart from us. The same is less true in the gardens we plant and tend ourselves: there it is far easier to forget the Otherness of the tree.  Indeed, one could almost measure wilderness by the extent to which our recognition of its Otherness does not require a conscious, willed act on our part.  Wildness is more a state of mind than a fact of Nature, and the state of mind that today most defines wildness is wonder.  The wonder is that we are part and parcel of the Earth, small but numerous pieces of its cycles, successions and dependencies. 
 
Musing about these things on the prow of the Alpha Helix, I felt I was close to the life of the native South Americans, most of who had long ago been dispossessed of our island anchorage.  Yet I was in a place where the white-tailed deer browsed the life of trees into its own life, reincarnating the wildness of the trees in its own form. The hunter killed the deer, its entrails fed the trees where it died; at home it feeds the hunter’s body, and in feeding his body the trees and the deer feed the one billion bacteria that inhabit three inches of his gut; they feed the one million spirochetes that live in his mouth; they feed the brontosaur-like mites that thrive by devouring the secretions on his eyelashes.
 
From the trees his womenfolk took branches to make the basket that carried the forest’s berries home.  When he died, his friends and family buried him, and he fed the trees and the berry bushes that feed the quetzal birds that spread the seeds.  He fed the children of the deer that fed him and his body’s inhabitants, and that will, in turn, feed his children. This great feeding body is still the world, countless parts and parcels that evolved together, mutually, relating in the endless dance of evolution. We are all the dust of old stars. We are the form that wildness bred to become conscious of its Self: nothing more. 
 
The aftermath
 
I flew out of the Amazon knowing that we have to educate to honour the wild, the Other within and the Other that even in our domestic habitat still exists next door.  It survives in the exotic mossy microcosms of the cracks in the pavements as much as the exotic that lives three thousand miles away, where even forty years ago it was already ceasing to exist.   Before I left for South America I was in discussions with the Wellcome Foundation to head up a pharmacological team in their Beckenham laboratories.  I was also in contact with the University of Guildford about its vacant chair of biochemistry.  Back home I realised my real interest was in the coming of age of ecology, a phrase that was first used by the media in 1970.  Early in that year a photograph taken from outerspace showed our world as a cloud-enshrouded ball surrounded by endless empty blackness.  By that time I had accepted the chair of zoology in Cardiff, a department overflowing with ecologists, and was developing new cross-subject courses and research strategies for living and working on an overcrowded planet.  This area of conservation management that was in its infancy in the 1960s has determined the destination of many of my students.  My own research shifted from the study of how hormones interact with receptors in their target organs.  Our organs are miniature
versions of the Amazon Basin and I began to investigate how cells in organs know their neighbours and whether or not they should be, say a muscle, a nerve cell or a cancer cell.  This led me to define a new field, which I called ‘cellular ecology’, which applies to the growth of embryos, cancers and the aging of organs.   By interfering with the signals passing between cells that control this balance of partition of the body’s resources it was possible to change the cellular composition.  In particular, it was possible to stop cancer cells growing.  This idea of internal complexity now dominates the modern view of a tumour; we now believe that many, and perhaps all, malignant tumours have at least two classes of cells: cancer stem cells and the bulk of the tumour. But, the tumour recruits other cells to assist it. Depending on the tumour type, these could include cells to build new blood vessels and fibres, which become the tumour body.   Other interactions may depend on the tumour type.  Again, this was a more or less direct outcome of my time on the Alpha Helix.
 
Another, totally unexpected experience that stuck to me was the protective attitude of the native Amazonians towards animals.  Even those that were dangerous or poisonous were not treated as enemies.  In the 1980s I was invited to become a member of the government council that was tasked with setting up a national organisation to care for the Welsh environment.  I was able to develop a research programme aimed at understanding how individuals define their own
value orientations toward wildlife and biodiversity, how these value systems have been shaped by regular interaction with nature within a rural setting, and whether these rural residents view their value systems as distinct from other population groups.
 
While insights into the complexities of rural environmental values are interesting in an academic sense, they are also highly relevant from an applied perspective. Specifically, land managers would be wise to be recognise the local values associated with species richness and biodiversity, thereby better allowing placement of management costs/benefit discussions within the most appropriate management framework for local residents. This attitude of care does not only apply to wildlife but also the management of the large amounts of wastes we add to the global food chain in town and farm.  In other words, consideration of place-based value systems should be incorporated into discussions of land management practices and policies that support biodiversity over the long-term.  This is the main theme of cultural ecology, a subject which developed out of work I did with the Cambridge University Examination Syndicate in the 1980s to bring wildlife and habitat management towards the centre of the school curriculum.
 
I moved on to chair the UK Conservation Management Consortium, where I am setting up demonstration citizen’s heritage networks to show how it is possible for communities to use the internet to share information on their heritage assets and communicate their findings and management plans.  In this context, values that individuals associate with wildlife and biodiversity are many. Some individuals view wildlife through a utilitarian lens, emphasizing nature’s material benefits as derived by humans. From a very different perspective, individuals may attach a spiritual reverence for elements of the natural world emphasizing an ethical reciprocity between humans, other creatures, and Nature more generally.
 

Communing with wildness

 
Looking back to those days when environmental threats had first begun to expand beyond the fear of nuclear war, which in the late 1950s was a real possibility, to include the impact of car emissions, solid waste, toxic metals, oil spills and even heat, it is obvious that reason has not compelled us to respect and care for wild Nature, and we have no basis for the belief that it will in the future.  The theory of evolution connects us to the natural world, explaining how and why we are a part of Nature. The idea of progress through economic development, on the other hand, projects a series of short-term political programmes for increasing family wealth.  There is no long-term destination.   I remember whilst carrying out research at the Plymouth Marine Laboratory just prior to the Amazon trip, hearing talk about the limited capacity of the world’s oceans to absorb human-produced carbon dioxide.   Now global warming is accepted as the major threat to the economic well being of our descendants.  All the science of climate change was in place in the 1960s, but it had not been connected with the destruction of civilisation based on burning fossil carbon. 
 
Philosophical arguments are notoriously incapable of compelling human beings to alter their behaviour.  We are left with the vital importance of residency in wild Nature to produce knowledge of that wildness as the most practical means of preserving the wild. What we need now is a new tradition of the wild that teaches us how human beings live best by living in and studying the wild without taming it or destroying it. Such a tradition of the wild existed.  It is as old as the Upper Palaeolithic when human beings were always living in, travelling through, and using lands we now call wilderness; they knew it intimately.   It is the tradition of the people that first populated the Americas, a tradition that influenced Taoism and informed major Chinese and Japanese poetic traditions. Most of us, when we think about it, realize that after our own direct experience of wildness, it is art, literature, myth and lore that have contributed most to our love of wild places, animals, plants, even, perhaps, to our love of human wildness, which is now only expressed for most people in sex.  It was the sum total of myth, folklore and sheer beauty of ducks, swans and geese that converted Peter Scott from hunter to protector and artist-recorder, making him the ‘patron saint of conservation’.  For in wildness we respond to the sights and sounds aeons older than any of us.  These wild legacies stir the imagination to produce the language we so desperately lack, the medium so necessary to communicate a shared vision.  This is the role of art, literature, lore, myth, and fable.  The valleys of the Ganges, the Nile, and the Rhine yielded their art based on local Nature that was created by people who lived there. Most of Amazonian art is on a lesser scale and was made of perishable materials such feathers from many species, including the scarlet and blue and yellow macaws and toucans, and materials including snakeskin, plant fibres, bark, nut shells, insect casings, seeds and plant fibres.   I have only seen native art in museums, where it is portable and intended to decorate, enhance, and empower the human body. It also represents Nature, totemic animals, deities, myths, and culture heroes.  The environment is expressed in the brilliant luminescence of headdresses, masks, and ornaments decorated with bird feathers, delicate pottery used for serving food and drink during festivals and rituals, fibre and wood dance costumes, and fine textile tunics. Some of the decorated costumes and ornaments were worn by shamans during curing rituals, chiefs displaying power and authority, initiates participating in rituals into adulthood, and hosts and guests of community feasts.  Most of these cultural roles for art are extinct.  In 1990, there were 220 distinct native groups in the Amazon basin, by 2005 only a hundred or so groups remained, about 100,000 people, who were still practicing traditional lifestyles. The rich surroundings of the forest dwellers provided all their needs. They have been replaced by landless settlers from the urban slums with no knowledge of how to handle a jungle without trees.

 
This gap in our social evolution reminds me that we are now part of an urbanised international community and need a new art of “becoming and being through Nature” This phrase defines the process of Experiential Ecopsychology.  To take this path towards Nature, Sylvie Shaw says we need quiet reflective moments to:

 
“…. open up a path of communication to the wider world where we can get in touch with our inner Natures and begin to understand who we really are. In this way, being through Nature is a time of healing and restoration. “Becoming through Nature” assumes that the earth has something to teach us about ourselves and our relationship with it”.
 
Engaging with the process of picturing Nature in literature and art is to gather attributes of ourselves highlighted in the hardness of rocks, the slipperiness of fish, the piercing eye of an eagle and the animalness of a fallen tree. These pictures say we are just one among many other beings sharing a minor planet.  The metaphors then become messages for replacing talk of maintaining our authority willy-nilly over Nature, by a gentler more self-effacing ethic towards managing our authority in favour of other beings of land, water and air.
 
I will finish with the music of Heito Villa-Lobos, regarded throughout the world as the foremost Brazilian composer of the 20th century.  Villa-Lobos used his creativity and the unlimited cultural resources of Brazil to discover new textures and rhythms in music, and adopted Impressionistic techniques and Brazilian folk music. Villa-Lobos was a troubadour; through his exuberant imagination he was able to express the sentiments of an entire nation, which was made up of immigrants from Europe, the Negro slaves from Africa, and the indigenous natives. Uirapurù (The Enchanted Bird) is based on several Amazonian myths about a legendary bird that sings an enchanting song deep within the rain forest. The Indians considered it the king of love and young men would seek it in groups.  In Bachianas Brazilieras he makes the human voice mimic the chatter of birdsong in the forest.  “As Tres Marias” is the smallest of a group of three short piano pieces. They were composed in his later years when he was deeply involved in music education, and reflects his concern with children and how to communicate with them sharing their joys and aspirations. The collection is based on a well-known folk story in Brazil, which is roughly translated as follows:
 
 “Once upon a time, there were three little girls, the three Marias of the earth, who romped and played in the countryside of Brazil. They were happy and gay and the best of friends. Always smiling, they travelled the path of life together. So that this trinity might be served as a perpetual symbol for humanity, they are preserved as eternal stars in the heavens to brighten the way for other children of our planet”.

 
The Alpha Helix was well stocked with records of Villa Lobos music.  Whenever I hear it I am transported back to the Rio Negro where I experienced in a rational and very direct way that separation, the boundary between ourselves and other people and between Nature, and ourselves is illusion.
 
http://www.ecopsychology.org/journal/ezine/experiential.html